MILF chair Al Haj Murad Ebrahim faces MindaNews on May 17, 2013 at Camp Darapanan in Sultan Kudarat, Maguindanao. MindaNews photo by Toto Lozano

“We expect another round of brownouts a few days from now,” Danny Escalante, general manager of the Surigao del Norte Electric Cooperative (Surneco), told reporters on Wednesday.

As of noon Wednesday, he said that there has been no load curtailment advisory from the National Grid Corp. of the Philippines for Surneco’s service area.

“There were already several cooperatives that have implemented rotational brownouts. We do not know why this has not been implemented here,” Escalante said.

Surigao del Norte has a supply deficiency of five megawatts (MW) during peak demand, which is pegged at 26 (MW).

Therma Marine Inc. (TMI) currently supplies Surneco with eight MW from last month’s six. The state-run National Power Corp. (NPC) also provides the distribution utility with 13 MW from last month’s 10.

Because of the power shortfall, Surneco could not serve mining companies Silangan Mining Corp. and Greenstone Resource Corp., which consume five MW each, Escalante said.

He said the interruptible load program pushed by the Department of Energy would have been an option but only two large companies have their own generator sets – Gaisano Capital and Pacific Cement Corporation (PACEMCO).

But PACEMCO is limited to only serving “its day-to-day office operations and not its plant operations,” he added.

Escalante said the proposal to tap excess power from the 48 MW coal-fired power plant of Taganito HPAL (THPAL) has been trashed by Japan’s Sumitomo, the former’s owner and developer of the nickel processing plant.

Sumitomo has acquired a stake at Nickel Asia Corp., the country’s largest nickel mining group.

“Their plant was basically built to serve them and it will be another expense if you try to get it out and connect to our transmission lines,” Escalante said.

THPHAL needs only 40 MW for its operation and it has an excess of eight MW, he added.

Escalante said they will employ modular generator sets as another option to fill the supply shortfall.

Energy Secretary Carlos Petilla had issued “a marching order for the modular generator sets to be in place by November,” he said.

It is expected to provide additional 10 MW to Surneco’s supply. (Vanessa Almeda/MindaNews)

“The 2013 election was a testing ground because officially, we did not participate in the elections. We were just gauging,” said Murad, who assumed the chairmanship of the organization ten years ago, in July 2003, after MILF chair Salamat Hashim passed away due to illness.

As part of the “testing,” the MILF last year encouraged its members to register during the general re-registration in the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao. It also urged the registered voters among its members to vote for candidates supportive of the peace process. And for the first time, campaign posters and tarpaulins lined the main road to its camp.

“We were just gauging. We saw that the people are still keen on the words of the organization (MILF). They’re listening to us,” he said.

MILF chair Al Haj Murad Ebrahim. MindaNews photo by Toto Lozano

The MILF will be faced with two electoral exercises towards the establishment of the “Bangsamoro,” the new autonomous political entity that would replace the ARMM by June 30, 2016:  the plebiscite on the Bangsamoro Basic Law and the election of its first set of officials.

Murad  discussed the May 13 polls, the peace process, the political party they will set up and the 2016 elections during an interview by MindaNews’ Carolyn O. Arguillas four days after the May 13 polls.

Murad spoke in mixed English and Pilipino. The portions in Pilipino have been translated to English.

Excerpts

Q:  Some say the election was a preview of what’s gonna happen in the plebiscite or in the setting up of the Bangsamoro. Did that experience scare you?
A:  We’re quite happy that at least the result of the election in both local and national level, the administration candidates dominated. So I think there will be no reason for the government not to push through with the processes in the negotiation when they have .. majority (in) Congress.

Q:  So the victory of the Liberal Party, the Presidents’ party, is an advantage for the peace process?
A:  We hope there will be an advantage because we are relying much on the sincerity and the capability of the government to implement the process.

Q:  Another comment is that the election showed there is no MILF vote because rightly or wrongly, the MILF is perceived to have been supportive of Tucao Mastura but Mastura and his party did not win,
A: Not all the MILF supported Tucao Mastura. There are those who voted also for the other side. Actually we did not endorse a candidate so we gave members free will on who they want, who can help in the peace process. Not everyone in the MILF voted because there are those who are not registered voters.

Q: But many registered last year?
A: Yes.

Q:  In preparation for this years’ election?
A:   The preparation is actually for the plebiscite (on the Bangsamoro).  We encouraged them to register in preparation for the plebiscite.

Q:  So there was a mandate from the MILF leadership for members to register?
A:  Yes. We encouraged them.

Q:   Speaking of plebiscite, you still have three annexes to the Framework Agreement that need to be completed. In April the panels said they would resume talks after the elections but in the meantime they were going to exchange notes. Have they been exchanging notes?
A:  We are still awaiting updates because in the last meeting, I think as per information of the facilitator, the government panel promised to send their new position to the facilitator but we’re thinking because of the elections both in Malaysia and the Philippines, this could be the reason why until now there is no word..

Q: Did you send the President a congratulatory note?  Governor Mangudadatu?  Are you confident that Mangudadatu would support the Framework Agreement to its completion?
A:  Well, judging from his statements before the election, he expressed support to the Framework Agreement. Actually even during the campaign period, he said he’ll be very supportive of the Framework Agreement. In fact, he also thanked the MILF for the pronouncement of neutrality in the election.

Q:  The other governors in the ARMM — Tan, Adiong, Akbar and Sahali — you would have no problems there because they’re Liberal Party members?
A:  We are banking on the President. We are expecting that those in the Liberal Party will toe the line of the President.

Q:  But they will toe the line of the President if it’s still this year. Remember you said that in your talk with the President in Japan (on Aug. 4, 2011), he said that after the first half of his term he will be a lameduck President.  You are confident that because the Liberal party is going to get majority of the seats in Congress, that the  law that will be passed after the Transition Commission drafts the Bangsamoro Basic Law would be passed smoothly?
A:  Well that is our expectation but you know politics in the Philippines  … We are really banking on the statement of the elected officials expressing their support of  the Framework Agreement and also of the President.

Q:  In Maguindanao, the peace process was an election issue, It wasn’t an election issue before,
A:  What is good is that almost all the candidates were using their support for the  Framework Agreement as platform of  their campaign. I think because they saw the overwhelming public support  (for the Agreement) so they were hoping they could get the people’s votes.

Q:  By candidate you mean both administration and opposition?
A:   As far as the MILF is concerned, we appealed to the general public,  to the voters from MILF, that if you’re  going to vote, that they will select the candidates who will help and support  the Framework. I think they followed that.

Q:  We only have 37 months left to June 30, 2016 and that’s a very short period considering the delays. The possible best case scenario is that you have only one year for transition. Is that enough when you were earlier asking for one year pre-transition and six years transition?
A:  What is really bothering us is the timeframe. We’ve been saying that time is ticking away so hopefully within  2013 or 2014 when the Basic Law is drafted, we still hope the Transition Authority would be set up so that would give us at least more than one year. We know this is a very short time considering we had (earlier) been opting for six years.

Q:  And one year pre-transition.
A:  What the other side is saying is that beyond the President’s term, the next President may not be as supportive, so we are hoping that we can still have at least the minimum of one year transition.

Q:  Given a very short transition period, say one year, then the election by May 2016, considering the experience of past elections and the 2013 elections where money was a big factor, network was a big factor, the command vote was a factor, you will be wading into this political arena that you actually want changed,  this environment where compromises will have to be made
A:  We understand the difficulty.

Q:  and your candidates might not even win
A:   That can happen but then our focus now is how we are going to consolidate our people in order to prepare (so) we can be assured of success in the 2016 election. We are now starting to formulate strategies hoping that the peace process will move forward.

Q:  What are these strategies? Are these a result of what happened in this election?
A:  The experience in the last election can contribute.  But one thing we are (discussing) very (intently is)  whether MILF itself will be converted into a political party or we will establish our own political party

Q:  Shouldn’t you be starting now? It’s three years to the next election
A:  Actually we have already formed groups to draw out the strategies

Q:  What would be the party name? MILF party?
A:   None yet. Maybe not. It could be another name.

Q:  Offhand, what would be its possible name?
A:  It will contain the term “Bangsamoro”

Q:  And you will field only candidates for the regional or also the local?
A:  We will see. I think our focus would be regional because we view it as the continuation of the transition mechanism.

Q:  If the experience this year did not scare you, definitely whether you’ll form a political party or you align yourself with a bigger political party, you will have to be faced with the situation where politics not just in Maguindanao, not just in the ARMM but in the entire Philippines really basically involves the things that you would not ideally engage in
A: That is why we ask that in the Basic Law we can at least gradually change the system because unless you change the system,  we don’t see a future in the electoral process. We observed that the 3Gs (guns, goons, gold) still dominate.  So we understand that the struggle to change the system will not be an easy task. Change cannot be abrupt. That’s why if we are able to join the government in 2016, we will consider that an extension of the transition mechanism

Q:  So you’re saying that even if the BTA (Bangsamoro Transition Authority)  is only one year,  you have to hopefully ensure that you will be entrenched in 2016?
A:  Yes.

Q: How will you do that? Are we going to see you as the next trapo of this generation? I mean the Bangsamoro political party?
A:  Like I said, we will be striving to be entrenched in 2016 so we can continue the transformation process.

Q:  By then President Aquino would be bowing out of office and as you said you are not certain if  the next President would be as supportive of the peace process. It is also likely that if you field candidates in 2016, there’s a possibility that your candidates will lose. And this is a new system, because this will be a parliamentary system, right?
A:  Parliamentary, ministerial. The struggle would be by district. The candidates fielded would be by district. That’s why we have to adopt effective strategies to ensure by 2016 , we will be entrenched, that we can get the majority.

Q: But if I am the Liberal Party or the UNA, I will tell you there is no MILF vote because the candidates perceived to be supported by you did not win. Isn’t that going to be a problem on the part of the MILF, that you have no command vote?
A:  The 2013 election was a testing ground because officially, we did not participate in the elections. We were just gauging. We saw that the people are still keen on the words of the organization (MILF). They’re listening to us.

Q:  But it’s still the machinery that voted
A:  Yes. That’s why we have to… you have to establish (the party) and adopt the strategies. The people will be supportive. We also need to ensure no cheating will happen. Of course (the influence of) money is still there but you have to minimize. We will show how to minimize.

Q: So n 2016,  you’ll be wading into this political environment where the 3Gs  still dominate. You only have one G.
A: (Laughs). We will struggle that (the 3Gs) will not be the basis in 2016.

Q:  Are we going to see within the Bangsamoro a transformation of the electoral process?
A:  We are hoping

Q:  Given the present situation, you sound so optimistic.
A:  At least we can start from the Transition Authority. We can already start reforming and then if we have a chance by 2016, we can continue the transformation process

Q:  What if you lose in 2016?
A:  We will cross the bridge when we reach there. We will do our best.

Q:   Let’s go back to the Annexes. Wealth-sharing, Power-sharing, Normalization. You have limited options in the sense that time is a constraint. Aren’t you scared that you’d end up with an agreement that you would rush into? Or you will not rush into signing an Annex even if you are conscious of the time constraint?
A:   In the negotiation you cannot compromise on principles … It’s useless to rush an agreement, to sign an agreement that will not address the problem.

Q:   They say the MILF has been mainstreamed, is now in the mainstream.
A:   Right. If you see the MILF, it’s the only organization that has overwhelming support from the Bangsamoro peole although we admit that in the island provinces like in Basilan, Sulu and Tawi-tawi, not so although we have both military and political apparatus there but it is not as strong in Maguindanao and Central Mindanao. But then by now we are trying to strengthen the islands.

Q:  The President in his speech at the launching of the Sajahatra Bangsamoro in February mentioned Heartbreak Hill in the Boston Marathon, that if you go past Heartbreak Hill, there is no stopping, you will reach the finish line. But we know what happened on Apil 15. The runners had gone past Heartbreak Hill but didn’t reach the finish line because of the explosions.
A:  We have to be on guard against spoilers.

Q:  In the FASTRAC’s  (Facility for Advisory Support for Transition Capacities),  capability-building, would that include getting resource persons from former revolutionary organizations that have transformed into political parties?
A:  We will identify what are our needs are. After identifying our needs the UN provides the experts.

Q:   You consider transforming a revolutionary army into a political party as something that you will have to go through, right? But that means you have to seek experts for these
A:   Yes.

Q:   This is one of those you will recommend as needs?
A:  Yes.  It’s a big challenge on our part transforming into a… very challenging. Anyway, aside from FASTRAC we can also avail of assistance from countries supporting the peace process.

Q:   How soon will you start? It’s almost 2016. You’re not going to start building a political party only when you have the Transition Authority, right?
A:   Yes. Within this year we will start already. What is important is we have the framework. That’s the strategy.

Q: But definitely you will transform into a political party
A:  We are more inclined to form a political party because we want to maintain the status of the MILF as an Islamic organization. We are more inclined to form a political party that will be the arm of the MILF for the political process.

Q: Your hands are full between now and 2016.  The other reality is most of you are in your senior years,  Is the MILF bench deep enough for the second liners, third liners should this process drag on.
A: Actually, we are starting already to mold young people. We involve them even in the Transition Commission. Also, we will be involving many of the young people  in the negotiation itself.

Q:  Are we going to look forward to the election campaign in 2016 for the candidates of your political party?
A:  We hope that the peace process will go through smoothly because that is our target, that by 2016,  the MILF political party will be entrenched. We are hoping. We always have the fallback if it doesn’t happen.

Q:  And the fallback is
A:  We will continue our struggle. But then we will do everything so that the peace process will succeed because we invested so much time and resources for this peace process.

Q:  Are we going to see in 2016 candidates who will really campaign on the platform of issues and not just because they have the bloodline and the money?
A:   That’s why I’m saying that from the transition we will start to change the system . We have to inform the people that we need to change the system so hopefully by 2016 we can already implement some changes in the system. It doesn’t mean we will only field MILF candidates because for us, governance should be inclusive. What is more important is the system will be in place. As far as who will run that system, that is the second priority because the first priority is to entrench the system. That’s why before 2016, everything will be entrenched.

Q:  As of  now we have five ARMM provinces and two cities. Are you not afraid that in the plebiscite,  given that as you said you are not as strong  in the islands, that the core area might even been reduced by 2016?
A:  We don’t see that.

Q:  You don’t see that as a problem?
A:  As  far as Bangsamoro is concerned, we see an overwhelming support not only within the MILF but the public. I think as long as the Basic Law will really speak for their aspirations,  there will be an overwhelming support. We are hoping the other areas that will be part of the plebiscite  —  Cotabato City, Isabela City and the adjoining villages and municipalities —  we are hoping they will join the Bangsamoro.

Q: You are not afraid you will have a smaller area?
A:  As of this moment, no. We don’t see that.  We will work (to ensure that it will not be reduced). Because if we content ourselves on the present (composition),  it’s like status quo. No change.

Q:  You’re just changing the  name.
A:  That’s why in the negotiation, we are insisting that what is given already (to the ARMM) should not be discussed anymore. What should be discussed is what will be added because that is where we are concerned because the Bangsamoro people are not satisfied with the present status quo. So we need to show there is something new and it’s an addition,  not minus.

Q: But what happened in the election was status quo
A:  Because the present election is not part of the transition mechanism. We will see in 2016.

Q:  Do you see yourself as a candidate in 2016?
A:  My fate will be decided by the organization. We will see. But personally I am not decided.

Q:  You will field candidates who are highly qualified and
A:   Of course. And will toe the line of the struggle,  have a good grasp of the struggle and the aspirations of the Bangsamoro people.

Q:   In 2016, will we see candidates who will really be espousing and discussing issues and not just be relying on bloodline and money?
A:   Yes, that will be our target. If we’re fielding candidates it will really be a change of the system that we’re seeing now in politics.

Q:  So 2016 should be something to look forward to in the Bangsamoro areas that for decades have been referred to as the cheating capital during elections?
A:  It might not be a complete overturn but we are ensuring that there will be change in the system and in the process.

Q:  Your relatives voted?
A:  Some did.

Q:  Did their candidates win?
A:  Some won, some lost… What is important is at least there is a victory of the peace process.  Everyone who won have expressed their support for the peace process. Hopefully they will be true to their word.   (Carolyn O. Arguillas/MindaNews)

Movie actor Fernando Poe, Jr. is nearly nine years dead but he is still “King” or “Idol” for members of the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) who voted for the first time in their lives on  May 13 and whose faces brightened up while saying their number one Senator was “Anak ni King” or “Anak ni Idol.”

“Anak ni King” or “Anak ni Idol” is Grace Poe, who topped the senatorial race nationwide.

“Da King” or “Idol” is a movie actor who starred in action movies as defender of the poor and the oppressed.  He ran for President in the 2004 polls against then incumbent Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, filed an electoral protest alleging he was cheated by Arroyo but died on December 14 that same year,

A guerrilla of the Moro Islamic Liberation Front takes comfort from the summer heat under the shade of a santol tree in the MILF’s Camp Darapanan in Sultan Kudarat town, Maguindanao province in this file photo taken last April 29, 2013. MindaNews photo by Toto Lozano

Fifty-four year old Achmad, a member of the security personnel of the Office of the Chairman of the MILF said he voted for the first time in his life  at the Simuay Junction Central Elementary School on Monday, May 13

Having spent most of his time as a revolutionary, Achmad didn’t bother about registering for the polls until last year’s general re-registration for the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM).

MILF chair Al Haj Murad Ebrahim said they encouraged their members to register last year “in preparation for the plebiscite.” (see Q and A with Murad)

The MILF is faced with two electoral processes towards the establishment of the Bangsamoro, the new autonomous political entity that would replace the ARMM by June 30, 2016: the plebiscite on the Bangsamoro Basic Law and the election of its first set of officials by June 30, 2016.

The Bangsamoro Basic Law that the 15-member GPH-MILF Transition Commission (TransCom) is drafting, will be certified urgent by the President when it is submitted to Congress. As soon  as Congress passes the law, it will be submitted to the people for ratification in the core areas of the proposed Bangsamoro.

Achmad ushered the MindaNews team into the fenced compound of the MILF Peace Panel Office within Camp Darapanan, venue of the interview appointment with the MILF chair, four days after the election.

While waiting, MindaNews asked Achmad if he voted and he said yes.  “Hataman” (Mujiv Hataman, OIC ARMM Governor) for ARMM Governor. “May talo, may panalo” (some lost, some won) he said of the local officials he voted. But when asked about the Senate, his face lit up. “Siempre, ang number one, anak ni King” (Of course, number one is the King’s child).

“King?” MindaNews asked.  “Anak ni Idol Fernando Poe” (child of idol Fernando Poe), a grinning Achmad replied.

But Achmad said he voted for Poe not just because she is “Anak ni King” but because “simple lang siya masyado” (she’s so simple).

Other  MILF members in the compound said they were not able to vote because they were on duty in camp. But those who voted among them were consistent in their answers on their number one choice for the Senate. “Anak ni Idol” or “Anak ni King.”  (Carolyn O. Arguillas/MindaNews)

Dr. Mely Lastimoso, coordinator of the City Integrated Health Services Office’s (CIHSO) Social Hygiene Clinic, said Thursday the activity will mainly highlight the rising HIV/AIDS cases in the city and the local government’s ongoing efforts to address the problem.

She said they have prepared exhibits and presentations on the area’s HIV/AIDS situation, the city’s initiatives in combating its spread and the experiences of persons afflicted by the disease.

During the event, which will be held at the Robinsons mall here, the official said they will offer free HIV screening for all local residents.

At 3 p.m., she said city officials and concerned groups will lead a candle lighting ceremony “to remember the fallen victims” and remind people about the risks as well as impact of the disease.

“The purpose of the candle lighting (ceremony) is mainly to remember the people who died of AIDS and for us to learn from their experiences,” Lastimoso said.

She said the presentations and discussions will include topics “on how to protect ourselves,” the importance of the HIV tests and the processes involved in availing the free treatment offered by the government.

“We’ll be talking of people who had the disease and especially look at how they died. We call that the “killed presentation,” she said.

Lastimoso encouraged residents, especially those who engaged in risky sexual behavior, to take part in their free HIV screening.

“The tests or screening are free of any charges and the results will be treated as confidential,” she assured.

The city government has been offering free HIV/AIDS screening through the Social Hygiene Clinic as part of its efforts to help curb the spread of the disease in the area.

The clinic conducts the initial HIV screening and later submits the collected samples to the Department of Health’s (DOH) STD (sexually-transmitted diseases)/AIDS Cooperative Central Laboratory in Manila for confirmatory tests.

The CIHSO reported earlier this week that the city’s confirmed HIV cases have so far reached 77, 22 of which were only found this year.

At the end of 2012, CIHSO records showed that the city’s confirmed cases of HIV — the disease that causes the deadly AIDS — have already reached 55.

Last year alone, a total of 27 HIV cases were confirmed by the CIHSO through its free screening or testing program.

CIHSO said most of the confirmed HIV/AIDS cases in the city were found among male professionals in the 22 to 25 age bracket who were engaged in “risky sexual behaviors.”

They include gays, bisexuals, men who have sex with men or MSMs and others who engage in unprotected sex and with multiple partners.

Of the confirmed cases, Lastimoso said 50 have already progressed to full-blown AIDS while “only less than 20” were in the HIV stage. (Allen V. Estabillo/MindaNews)

Chief Insp. Ariel Huesca, Police Regional Office-9 spokesman, said no one was killed or injured in the blast at the parking lot of Gaisano Shopping Mall in Barangay San Pedro.

Huesca said the explosion damaged a car with registration plate MNC-785, where the improvised bomb was placed.

Initial findings of bomb experts revealed the improvised bomb was fashioned from an 81-mm mortar ammunition, with a radio transceiver as the triggering device, the official said.

He said that investigation continues to establish the motive of the incident as well as the identities of the suspects. (MindaNews)

Police Officer 3 Adolfo Yucampo, investigator of the city police’s traffic management unit (TMU), said Thursday their records showed that the death cases caused by vehicular road accidents have been continually rising in the last several months.

He said most of these cases were mainly caused by traffic-related problems and the “lack of discipline” among the involved drivers.

“The situation is quite alarming since our record shows that there has been an upward trend in terms of the death cases due to these accidents in the last three years,” Yucampo said.

For this month, the latest death case involved media worker Salvador “Buddy” Peñafiel, who died after his motorcycle collided head-on with a tricycle along the Fil-Am Road in Barangay Fatima before noon last Monday.

Peñafiel, 48, is a reporter of radio station dxGS-Radyo Filipino and served as media coordinator of incumbent Mayor Darlene Antonino-Custodio in her failed reelection bid in the May 13 elections.

Yucampo said the incident is still under investigation and they have yet to determine the identity of the tricycle driver, who immediately fled on foot after the incident.

In 2011, Yucampo said they recorded a total of 16 death cases due to vehicular accidents and the figure increased to 34 last year.

TMU records showed that the number of vehicular accidents in the city last year reached a total of 2,153 cases, with 1,070 or about half involving single motorcycles.

The other half involved 786 cases for automobiles, 107 for tricycles, 103 for trucks, 78 for passenger jeepneys and nine for buses.

Yucampo said some of the drivers involved in the recorded accidents have expired or not carrying driver’s licenses and were driving unregistered vehicles.

“A significant number of these accidents involved drunk drivers,” he said.

Yucampo reminded vehicle owners and drivers in the city to abide by the city’s traffic regulations, including the wearing of helmets and other protective gears for those who are driving motorcycles.

“They should also follow the proper road safety driving measures and observe road courtesy while driving,” Yucampo said.

He added that the TMU will continue with its mandate to educate local vehicle owners and drivers regarding traffic regulations and safety measures as well as the apprehension of traffic violators as a strategy to ensure road safety within the city. (Allen V. Estabillo/MindaNews)

Zaldy Boloron, DA-12 corn program coordinator, said in the 130-page “Regional Corn Roadmap CY (Calendar Year) 2012 to 2017” presentation that corn production volume in the four-province, five-city region last year was 1.20 million metric tons (MT), up 2.63 percent from 2011’s 1.2 million MT.

“[The strong corn production performance] was due to the wide area suitable for corn production, availability of high quality seeds and access to technology,” Boloron said.

Land planted to corn last year in Region 12, also called the Soccsksargen region, was 429,319 hectares (ha), he noted.

Region 12 comprises the provinces of South Cotabato, North Cotabato, Sultan Kudarat and Sarangani and the cities of General Santos, Koronadal, Tacurong, Kidapawan and Cotabato.

For 2011, the value of corn produced in Region, at P13 per kilo average price, would have amounted to P15.22 billion.

Region 12’s corn production in 2012 makes it the third biggest corn producer in the country, after Cagayan Valley’s 7.4 million MT and Northern Mindanao’s 1.23 million MT.

Four of Mindanao’s six regions—Northern Mindanao, Soccsksargen, the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao and Zamboanga Peninsula—were among the top 10 corn producing regions in the country last year.

In Region 12, South Cotabato was the largest corn producer with 435,981 in 2012 followed by North Cotabato with 385,428, Sultan Kudarat with 234,393 and Sarangani with 145,479.

In 2011, they respectively produced 428,718, 379,947, 226,940 and 134,949.

The average yield per hectare in the region was pegged at 2.8 MT last year.

South Cotabato has at least 144,200 ha for corn production; North Cotabato, 129,908; Sultan Kudarat, 84,328; and Sarangani, 70,883.

Corn from Region 12 is traded to Davao, Cagayan de Oro, Cebu and Manila, Boloron said.

For this year, the DA regional office targets corn production to reach 1.24 million MT and 1.29 million in 2014.

Among the challenges for the region’s corn farming in the last few years were the occurrence of pests and diseases, land and crop conversion, erratic weather condition, natural and man-made calamities and peace and order situation, Boloron said.

The Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) is known to maintain forces in Region 12, particularly in North Cotabato, which is contiguous to Maguindanao.

Maguindanao, an MILF bailiwick, is part of the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM).

However, clashes between government and MILF forces had subsided in the last few years, with the last major war between government and MILF fighters erupting in 2008 due to the botched signing of the controversial Memorandum of Agreement on Ancestral Domain.

Last year, the government and the MILF signed the Framework Agreement on the Bangsamoro, which would pave the way for the creation of the Bangsamoro that would replace the ARMM in 2016. (Bong S. Sarmiento/MindaNews)

Mayor Celso Lobregat said that a group of Korean businessmen has proposed the construction of a solar power plant as a possible long-term solution to the power shortage here.

Lobregat said the Korean businessmen, led by Lee Ik Hwan and Alex Huang, gave him a courtesy visit at the city hall last Tuesday.

The mayor said the Korean businessmen explained that “solar energy is cheap, but the needed investment to construct the power plant will involve a considerable amount.”

Lobregat said he welcomed the Korean businessmen’s interest and the idea of the solar power plant.

However, he said he informed the group that the construction of a 100-megawatt (MW) coal-fired power plant in Barangay Talisayan is already underway.

Lobregat also said that the energy that would be generated from a solar power plant may not be sufficient to provide the power demands of this city, which currently peaks at 80 MW and is expected to increase in succeeding years.

Prior to the May 13 national midterm and local elections, this city’s 150,000 consumers experienced daily rotating brownouts lasting from eight to nine hours.

Local electric consumers are again set to experience three to four hours daily rotational brownouts after enjoying an uninterrupted power service in the past few days due to the holding of the elections. (MindaNews)

Dominador Damlayon, who the NBI said earlier signed a sworn statement attesting he saw the killing on Oct. 17, 2011, said during the three-day inquiry made by the Commission on Human Rights here starting today that he was afraid he could no longer go home if he didn’t sign the affidavit implicating Jimmy and Robert Ato, Jose Sultan Sampulna and Dima Maligudan Sampulna as primary suspects.

He also revealed that he was given P500 after signing the sworn statement at the NBI office in Cagayan de Oro City February last year, aside from another P500 for his and a relative’s fare going back to Arakan.

Lawyer Gregorio Andolana, one of the legal counsels of the Diocese of Kidapawan which has jurisdiction over the church in Arakan, told MindaNews that Damlayon, a Manobo from Barangay Malibatuan in Arakan, was apparently “manipulated” in signing the affidavit. He added that somebody already prepared the affidavit for Damlayon.

But lawyer Angelito Magno, acting director for the NBI in Region 12, said during the inquiry that Damlayon admitted in his presence and other NBI investigators in their Cagayan de Oro office that he personally saw the Atos and the Sampulnas inside the compound when the shooting happened.

The NBI lawyer denied that Damlayon was forced or under threat when he signed the sworn statement.

“He was a credible witness at that time. He told us that he saw the gunmen shoot Fr. Tentorio,” he told the panel headed by CHR Chair Loretta Ann Rosales.

Damlayon said during the inquiry that he eventually retracted his testimony three months later, saying he was not in the compound when the shooting happened.

“Wala ko didto pagkahitabo pero gitudluan lang ko didto sa NBI. Didto lang kami sa balay,” he said during the inquiry. (I wasn’t at the scene when it happened but they only told me what to say at the NBI. I was at the house when it happened.)

Damlayon’s presence at the CHR inquiry was his first public appearance.

Tentorio was gunned down while about to board his vehicle inside the Our Mother of Perpetual parish compound on October 17, 2011. He was supposed to drive to the bishop’s residence in Kidapawan City, 52 kilometers away, for the diocese’s monthly meeting.

Damlayon said at the CHR inquiry that sometime February last year, his relative Roberto Mabilao asked him that they will meet another relative in Marilog District in Davao City.

From Marilog, they then left for Cagayan de Oro around 7 p.m.

While at the NBI office in Cagayan de Oro, Damlayon said he was coached by a certain Loloy what to answer when NBI agents would start asking questions. He said it was the first time he met Loloy, who claimed to be from Davao City. Damlayon had no idea as to Loloy’s identity.

When the CHR panel asked him if he understood the content of the affidavit he signed, Damlayon replied: “Wala ko nakasabot kay English man.” (I understood nothing because it was written in English.)

He added that he signed the he affidavit because he was afraid that he could not go out of the room. “Nahadlok pud ko basi di ko kauli.” (I was also worried that I could not go home anymore.)

Damlayon recounted that the questioning started around 1 p.m. and finished five hours later.

Before leaving Cagayan de Oro City, he added that Loloy gave him and Mabilao P500 each. “Pampalit daw bugas ug uban pang kinahanglan sa among pamilya.” (We were told to use the money to buy rice and other needs of our families.)

They were given P500 more for their fare going back to Arakan, he said.

The CHR inquiry aims to dig deeper into the murder of the Italian missionary, Rosales said. She added that the inquiry hopes to gather more information that could help resolve the case.

Three businessmen spoiled the party’s bets for mayor in Kadingilan, Cabanglasan and Kalilangan towns.

Independent candidate Jerry Canoy Sr., a former vice mayor, defeated incumbent Kadingilan Mayor Julito Talaid of the BPP.

In Cabanglasan, farmer-businessman Renante Inocando defeated incumbent Mayor Rogelio Castillanes, also of the BPP.

In Kalilangan town, in Bukidnon’s boundary with Lanao del Sur, construction contractor Omaradji Pizarro, an independent candidate, also defeated Kalilangan Vice Mayor Raymond Charl Gamboa, BPP’s bet.

Only three incumbent mayors of the BPP were defeated in the polls. Aside from Talaid and Castillanes, Valencia City Mayor Leandro Jose Catarata lost to Jose M. Galario Jr.

Galario won the mayoralty race in 2001 and 2004, and Catarata in 2007 to 2010.

The BPP also fielded former mayors to regain their old post.

Kitaotao incumbent Vice Mayor Lorenzo Gawilan Jr., who swapped posts with incumbent Mayor Rodito Rafisura, won as mayor again. He served as municipal mayor from 2001 to 2010.

Incumbent San Fernando Vice Mayor Levi Edma Sr. has retained his former position as mayor against two other opponents. His wife, incumbent Mayor Laurencia Edma, has retired. But his son, a municipal councilor, secured the second highest spot in his reelection bid.

Former Malitbog mayor Osmundo dela Rosa prevailed over Wilson Guiahan and two other independent candidates. Dela Rosa served as administrator of his wife, who won as mayor in 2010.

The BPP also fielded candidates from lower positions.

Dangcagan Vice Mayor Fruto Dandasan won the mayoralty race over former mayor Roberto Cabunoc. Dandasan swapped position with incumbent Mayor Eldiberto Ayuban, who won as vice mayor.

The BPP’s incumbent bets for mayor won in Malaybalay City and 13 towns.

Reelectionist Malaybalay Mayor Ignacio W. Zubiri, nephew of governor-elect Jose Ma. R. Zubiri Jr., won over businessman Estelito Marabe and incumbent Vice Mayor Victor Aldeguer.

In Baungon, incumbent Mayor Pedro Alvarez defeated three independent opponents.

In Damulog, in Bukidnon’s boundary with North Cotabato, incumbent Mayor Romeo Tiongco defeated Angelito Rivero of Aksyon Demokratiko and another independent candidate.

In Don Carlos, incumbent Mayor Felix Manzano defeated Fabian Gardonez and another independent candidate. Former mayor and independent candidate Ma. Victoria Pizarro, however, whom Manzano beat in 2010, was elected vice mayor.

In Impasug-ong, incumbent Mayor Mario Okinlay won over Oliver Aldovino, former member of the board of the Bukidnon Second Electric Cooperative (Buseco).

Incumbent Kibawe Mayor Minerva Casinabe also won over councilor Rodulfo Jurado.

Incumbent Lantapan Mayor Godofredo Balansag defeated ex-priest Cito Labastilla

Incumbent Mayor Alicia Resus won over McNeil Acosta of Aksyon Demokratiko in Maramag, hometown of the Zubiris in Bukidnon.

In Quezon, an attempt of the Fortiches, in the person of businessman Juan Carlos Fortich, failed against incumbent Mayor Gregorio Gue. The Fortich family ruled Bukidnon for most of the 20th century.

In Sumilao, incumbent Mayor Rey Baula won over councilor Dante Cuevas.

In Talakag, incumbent Mayor Nestor Macapayag prevailed over Renato Sulatan of Aksyon Demokratiko.

Incumbents Libona Mayor Leonardo Genesis Calingasan, son of the incumbent governor; Manolo Fortich Mayor Rogelio Quiño; and Pangantucan Mayor Manolito Garces practically already won even before balloting was conducted on May 13; they ran unopposed.

South Cotabato governor-elect Daisy Avance-Fuentes said she received reports and some evidences that confirmed the participation of some local government officials and employees who were holding permanent appointments in the campaign activities of her defeated rival, incumbent Gov. Arthur Pingoy Jr.

“Some of them openly campaigned (for Pingoy) and were directly involved (in his) political activities,” she said in a radio interview.

Fuentes (Liberal Party-Nationalist People’s Coalition), who is returning to the provincial capitol after a single term as representative of the province’s second congressional district, won over Pingoy (United Nationalist Alliance) by around 6,600 votes in last week’s polls.

She was governor of South Cotabato for three straight terms from 2001 to 2010.

Fuentes said the supposed erring officials and employees defied civil service regulations despite the warnings issued earlier by the Civil Service Commission.

Based on the implementing rules and regulations Republic Act 9006 or the Fair Election Act, partisan political campaigning refers to acts designed to promote the election or defeat of a particular candidate or candidates to a public office.

The revised rules on administrative career in the civil service issued on November 18, 2011, provided that engaging “directly or indirectly in partisan political activities by one holding non-political office” is classified as less grave offense.

If found guilty, erring employees may be suspended from one month and one day to six months for the first offense and possible dismissal from service for the second offense.

Paragraph 4, Section 2 (B), and Section 6 of Article IX of the Philippine Constitution cited that “no officer or employee in the civil service shall engage, directly or indirectly, in any electioneering or partisan political campaign.”

Fuentes did not name the erring provincial government officials and employees but noted that some of them were “doctors.”

In one instance, she said her campaign personnel chanced upon one official allegedly campaigning for Pingoy in a mountain village in Tantangan town.

“My staff advised that official to just leave the area since he’s not allowed to do so under civil service rules but he just ignored them,” she said.

Fuentes said they are presently building up the cases against the concerned officials and employees through the evidences that they gathered and accounts from witnesses.

She said some of the initial evidences that came up included photographs and video footages taken by concerned residents.

City Councilor Margareth Rose Santos, chair of the city council’s education committee, said the fund assistance was earlier committed by South Cotabato (1st District) Rep. Pedro Acharon Jr. to help prepare local public elementary and secondary schools for the scheduled formal opening of classes on June 3.

She said the funds were specifically intended for initiatives related with the conduct of the week-long Brigada Eskwela 2013 that opened on Monday.

Among the ongoing Brigada Eskwela activities in the area were the cleanup of classrooms and school compounds; repair of damaged classrooms, chairs, cabinets and tables; repainting of classrooms; and the construction of other necessary school facilities.

Spearheaded by the Department of Education (DepEd), the Brigada Eskwela or the National Schools Maintenance Week is now on its 10th year.

The initiative is a nationwide voluntary effort that started in 2003, bringing together teachers, parents, and the community to do cleanup and repairs in public schools to prepare the facilities for the June school opening.

Undertaken in all public schools every third week of May or two weeks before classes begin, it is participated in by private organizations, individuals, national and local government agencies, local businesses, and international organizations and foundations, among others.

In this city, Brigada Eskwela 2013 chair Leonorita Pineda said the activity is presently in full swing with hundreds of volunteers contributing their time, efforts and available spare resources.

She said massive cleanup activities were ongoing in schools that were used as polling centers in the May 13 elections.

Aside from parents and community stakeholders, volunteers from local groups and institutions like the Philippine National Police were also involved in the initiative, Pineda said.

At the New Society Elementary School in Barangay Apopong here, school principal EdnaVilches said their activities include the construction of two additional makeshift classrooms.

The school emerged last year as the city’s best implementer of the Brigada Eskwela program.

Vilches said the initiative was aimed at addressing the projected increase in the school’s population in the upcoming school year with the full implementation of DepEd’s K-to-12 program.

“Our preparations are focused on our upcoming Grade 1 and kindergarten classes,” she said.

Senior Supt. Mario Dapilloza, Basilan police director, identified the abducted social worker as Jenelyn Entera, who is in charge of the Department of Social Welfare and Development’s (DSWD) Pantawid Pamilyang Pilipino Program (4Ps) in the municipality of Ungkaya Pukan.

Dapilloza said Entera was inspecting some of the 4Ps beneficiaries when four gunmen suspected to be Abu Sayyaf bandits seized her around 9 a.m. Wednesday in Barangay Ulitan in Ungkaya Pukan.

The suspects, armed with caliber .45 pistols, forced Entera to board one of the two motorcycles without registration plates and sped towards the municipality of Sumisip, Dapiloza said.

Policemen, in coordination with the Army’s 104th Infantry Brigade, were deployed to track down the whereabouts of the abducted DSWD staff, he disclosed.

Entera’s abduction came a day after a group of unidentified gunmen abducted Lucio Gonzales, the skipper of F/B Albert of the Zamboanga City-based SMR fishing firm.

Gonzales was abducted by 15 gunmen around 8 a.m. Tuesday in the vicinity of Mataha in the municipality of Lantawan, Dapilloza said.

F/B Albert was on fishing venture when 15 gunmen aboard two small boats locally known as “jungkung” arrived and at gunpoint took Gonzales, he said.

The gunmen fled towards the direction of Sulu province, leaving behind the rest of the fishing boat crew unharmed, Dapilloza added.

Dr. Mely Lastimoso, coordinator of the City Integrated Health Services Office’s (CIHSO) Social Hygiene Clinic, said on Tuesday that 22 more local residents have tested positive in the last four months for Human Immunodeficiency Virus (HIV), with a number of cases already in the advanced stage or have developed into AIDS.

She said the newly-detected infections, three of which were confirmed in the last two weeks, have so far brought the number of HIV/AIDS cases in the city to 77.

“To date, we already have 77 (cases) and we are looking for more,” Lastimoso said.

At the end of 2012, CIHSO records showed that the city’s confirmed cases of HIV — the disease that causes the deadly AIDS — have already reached 55.

Last year alone, a total of 27 HIV cases were confirmed by the CIHSO through its free screening or testing program.

CIHSO said most of the confirmed HIV/AIDS cases in the city were found among male professionals in the 22 to 25 age bracket who were engaged in “risky sexual behaviors.”

They include gays, bisexuals, men who have sex with men or MSMs and others who engage in unprotected sex and with multiple partners.

Of the confirmed cases, Lastimoso said 50 have already progressed to full-blown AIDS while “only less than 20” were in the HIV stage.

She explained that patients under the HIV stage were already infected with the virus but have not yet exhibited any signs and symptoms.

Lastimoso said HIV patients may still be given maintenance or antiretroviral drug treatment, which mainly stops the multiplication of the infected person’s viral load and eventually prevents them from further spreading the disease.

In some countries, she said the use of antiretroviral drugs has helped effectively lower the incidence of HIV infection to about one percent and eventually stabilized the detected cases.

On the other hand, patients who already have AIDS usually exhibit severe disease complications involving cases of pneumonia, skin infections and allergies as well as tuberculosis, she said.

“Tuberculosis is the most common complication that affects persons or patients with AIDS,” Lastimoso said.

Lastimoso appealed anew to local residents, especially those who had engaged in risky sexual activities in the past, to undergo voluntary HIV testing.

The CIHSO earlier stepped up its campaign for voluntary HIV testing among residents as part of their efforts to help curb the spread of the disease.

The city government has been offering free HIV/AIDS screening, which are done free and confidential, through the social hygiene clinic.

The Social Hygiene Clinic conducts the initial HIV screening and later submits the collected samples to the Department of Health’s (DOH) STD (sexually-transmitted diseases)/AIDS Cooperative Central Laboratory in Manila for confirmatory tests.

Lastimoso said it’s vital for potential patients to determine their HIV status early so they could immediately access the free treatment offered by the government.

“Most of the patients who seek our help were those who already have AIDS and it’s usually too late for us to intervene with their situation,” she said.

Lastimoso said that with the city’s HIV cases already reaching 77, there could be about a thousand more cases that remain undetected in the area.

She said studies showed that a positive case of HIV could potentially infect or spread to 30 more in due time.

“Our estimate is that we have almost a thousand undetected cases out there and we’re continually looking for them,” she added. (Allen V. Estabillo/MindaNews)

This appeal was made by the Davao City Chamber of Commerce and Industry Inc., Davao Filipino-Chinese Cultural Foundation, Filipino-Chinese Youth Inc.-Davao Chapter, Mindanao Taiwan Chamber of Commerce and Industry Inc. and Philippine Chinese Chamber of Commerce and Industry Inc.

These groups comprise about 3,000 companies and enterprises in Davao City.

In a petition sent to BIR Commissioner Kim Jacinto-Henares on May 20, the groups said the extension would give them enough time to comply with the order to replace old receipts with new ones as well as minimize expenses on their part.

“As you perhaps may know already, many of our members, who are taxpayers order their receipts/invoices in volume, for a minimum of six months up to one year, because volume orders save on costs,” the joint appeal stated.

The groups added that their members have receipts and invoices that are programmed for use up to the end of the year.

“The deadline of June 30, 2013 will result only to additional costs and expenses to our members,” the appeal cited.

The BIR already set the deadline of June 30 through Revenue Regulation No. 18-2012 issued on Oct. 22 last year.

Lita Ma. Chin, chief of assessment division of BIR-XI, said the existing official receipts, sales invoices and other commercial invoices should be replaced with new receipts and invoices printed by BIR-accredited printers.

These existing receipts or invoices, she said, should be surrendered to BIR’s revenue district offices.

The new policy aims to regulate the printing of all invoices by setting a period.

BIR Revenue Regulation No. 18-2012 provides that the new official receipts, sales invoices and other commercial invoices will be valid for a period of five years. These should carry watermarks printed from the BIR-accredited printers.

The revenue regulation further states that the businesses and government entities that issue receipts shall apply and process the authority to print (ATP) before the BIR online as only BIR-accredited printers should have exclusive authority to print principal and supplementary receipts or invoices.

“The approved ATP shall be valid only upon full usage of the inclusive serial numbers of principal and supplementary receipts/ invoices reflected in such ATP or five years from issuance of the same,” the regulation adds.

Failure to follow BIR’s new order carries the penalty of “a fine of not less than P1,000 but not more than P50,000 and…imprisonment of not less than two years but not more than four years” based on Section 264 of the National Internal Revenue Code. (MindaNews)

Too long has Pork corrupted our polity: legislatures, bureaucracy, electorate. It is like a festering sore upon the body politic that doesn’t heal because of the political maggots that feed on it. Everyone knows that Pork serves mainly to feed the vanity and political agenda of its users. That it is used to manipulate the poor and the impressionable among our electorate is reprehensible. This cynical scheme to extract benefits from the public service by frying the constituency in its own fat should have no place in a society whose Constitution implores Divine Providence for guidance. It is time we get rid of this major corruptor of our democracy. We just haven’t matured enough or learned enough to handle abuses of this kind.

Pork is not evil per se; everyone knows there is Pork in other societies. But in them its handling is protected by a regime of transparency and accountability that works. It works because it is anchored on an ethic backed by the Rule of Law. To abuse Pork in those societies isn’t worth it. For in addition to a system of checks and balances that won’t tolerate it, they have a hard core of vigilant, no-nonsense citizens who will not forgive betrayers of the public trust. Such is the force of established tradition and culture which, sad to say, we Filipinos have yet to institutionalize.

Every parent knows the folly of giving large allowances to kids or to persons with immature impulses; they’ll only squander the money or blow it on unworthy causes. As with parents, so with society—especially a relatively young society like ours whose institutions are very much still a work-in-progress. It is folly for our society to slice huge portions of our scarce resources and let people of uncertain integrity or legitimacy handle them—not especially in an age of palusot, where impunity seems fashionable, and where elections can be bought. Even duly sworn officials seem helpless against temptation, too readily violating their oath. Under these circumstances, the better part of valor is to withdraw the excessive Pork allocations and use these—perhaps P50 billion or more!—for the purposes of your reform agenda.

Accordingly, as our electorate prepares to put a new Congress in place by May, we urge you, Mr. President, to disown and abolish the Pork Barrel System. Now, not later! We ask that (1) the funds earmarked for it be turned over to our communities through their respective local development councils (Sec 106-115, R.A. 7160); and (2) that this be effected using a formula similar to the one apportioning internal revenue allotments (IRA) for barangay, municipality, city, and province (Sec. 284-288).

We believe that your doing so will fulfill the unfinished agenda of EDSA I which your mother, our beloved President Cory, could only dream of, namely:

Energize national development from the grassroots up. The masses, poor as they are, cannot induce real development by themselves. Solidarity within the community is essential. All sectors in the 42,000+ barangays that are the wellsprings of productivity and progress need to be involved. All must learn to reach out across economic classes, occupations and professions and collaborate in the tasks of community development. Especially critical is the involvement of the resource-rich and better-educated in every community. It is bad that, thinking their barangay too small, its funds too little, they ignore its governing processes, rarely participating in its programs.

They deprive the community, in its striving for development, of their ideas, resources, technology, and work ethic. Challenged by the task of redeploying funds from Pork for their community, their interest will perk up and move them to join hands with the rest to assure better management and greater productivity. Their involvement will give impetus to the flowering of developmental initiative at the grassroots.

Institutionalize Autonomy/Good Governance. Added funds for operations and projects will boost prospects for more development and necessitate the activation of the non-performing mechanisms for planning/public administration at every level (Sec 106-115). For instance, the law requires that at least ¼ of the LDC membership must be from (and be nominated by) local NGOs or institutions; but this is blithely ignored. As a result, local governments do not benefit from their experience and capabilities. Let us end the monopoly of trapos over local governance; ever wary of “threats” to their entrenched power/positions, they exclude the creative or the highly competent in the community from the circle of governance. Because of this, LGUs continue to be victims of patronage and the dependency syndrome, forcing people into mendicancy.

Minimize graft/corruption, maximize savings, have more money for development. Letting the community take charge of the funds, with its LDC directly overseeing programs, will stop thievery or waste associated with the brokered distribution of Pork and the corrupt auctioning or awarding of projects. Funds that are lost to bribes, commissions, and crooked procurement will be conserved and made available for more development programs and projects.

Let legislators focus/concentrate on legislation. Freed from the mundane tasks of identifying, prioritizing, funding, and supervising local projects, congressmen and senators will become professional legislators, more serious about enacting laws with far-reaching impact on nation-building—no longer inclined to usurp the work of the Executive, and less likely to indulge in “epalism” by jockeying for credit from public works projects and other gimmickry.

Make communities more productive. As the corporate functions of local governments, especially the barangays, gain appreciation and attention from the community’s professionals and institutions, more productive enterprises will arise. Then the land, labor, and capital of LGUs will be better utilized. Production-marketing activities will be more efficient. The local economy will expand. The Gross Barangay Product will then assume importance as it gains credence as a gauge of local development and a booster of the nation’s Gross Domestic Product.

Engage more Filipinos in nation-building. With progressive residents (the passive factor at grassroots level today) mobilized and involved—democracy will become inclusive and vibrant, providing a framework for consensus building, collaboration, solidarity—a strong, community-based political will. It will be reflected in politically-stable, relatively crime-free communities: the result of a citizenry fired by an assertive brand of sovereignty that demands/contributes to a better quality of life, high standards of performance, improved health and sanitation, orderly neighborhoods, political stability, and so on.

Make democracy the partner of development. People-power in bloom will lead Philippine society closer to attaining the ideal of a government of the people, by the people and for the people. Democracy with a dynamic, productive mode will more surely promote human development and a strong the base for what can be rightly claimed as a Strong Republic. There will be direct democracy and a parliamentary government in the barangay as ordained by law. As the primary level of our political system, the barangay will function properly as a government, a public corporation, and an economy—exemplifying a small republic from which the Philippine Republic draws its strength, one that creates its own prosperity and makes the state policy of autonomy a reality.

Finally, if the people are adequately informed of their essential role and powers as sovereign citizens, Filipinos will not have to reach so high up the political ladder to address their concerns; They have but to convene the Barangay Assembly, which is their parliament and of which they are members (Sec 397-398) and through it transform the grassroots into the true base of People Power in the House of Democracy that President Cory built from the wreck of Dictatorship. Only then can we claim confidently that barangays are the durable foundation of our sovereign state, the formidable base of a Strong Republic.

Mr. President:

These items on the unfinished Agenda of EDSA and of your Excellency’s mother, President Cory, beloved heroine of Filipinos everywhere, remain pending. She could only dream about them during her time. It now remains for you to make them real in the land which gave birth to People Power.

Please abolish that ignominious Pork Barrel now. Let us admit that our society still is ill-prepared to fully secure the public trust against abuse, irresponsibility and/or reckless thievery! (MindaViews is the opinion section of MindaNews. Manny Valdehuesa is the president and national convenor of Gising Barangay Movement Inc. He can be reached at valdehuesa@gmail.com )

LENTE Zamboanga chair Jose Augustus Villano said his group found that of the 847 registered PWD voters in Zamboanga City, 505 or almost 60 percent are from Barangay Taluksangay.

Villano himself observed voting at the five clustered precincts of Taluksangay. He immediately noticed that almost all voters, whether they appeared to have a disability or not, were helped by a small group of people stationed inside the precinct.

When Villalon asked election officers about them, he was told they were “liners” there to assist PWDs. LENTE records show that 80 to 90 per cent of all who voted were assisted.

Villalon thought that the people assisted might have been illiterate rather than PWDs. “I asked them in both Tagalog and in the native dialect Tausug and they understood. I asked them who they want to vote for and they pointed at the names.”

When he asked the voters how they were related to the “liners,” they replied, “Sila ang magvo-vote para sa amin (They were the ones who voted for us).”

Villalon said that since the “liners” were the same for all the voters that he saw entering, they could not possibly qualify as PWD assistors as prescribed by Comelec.

Section 7 of Republic Act 10366 or an act authorizing the Commission on Elections to establish precincts assigned to accessible polling places exclusively for persons with disabilities and senior citizens states that a PWD may have as assistor a relative within the fourth degree of sanguinity or consanguinity, any person of confidence belonging to same household, or any member of the Board of Election Inspectors (BEI).

The law, which was approved Feb 15 this year also states that “except for the members of the BEIs, no assistor can assist for more than three times.”

When Villalon told the election officers that this was illegal, the BEI replied that she cannot assist the voters herself because she is busy.

Taluksangay is a coastal barangay about 17 kilometers east of downtown Zamboanga with a population of about 8,000 mostly Muslim residents.

It is the bailiwick of the Nuños, an old and respected Muslim family. To this family belongs Lilia

Lilia Nuño talks to the media after she was declared winner of the race for representative of the first district of Zamboanga City. Nuño is the city’s first Muslim representative.

Nuño was declared by Comelec in the evening of May 14 as winner in the race for second district representative, beating Jomar Lobregat, brother of incumbent mayor, Celso Lobregat.

In an interview with Nuño moments before she was declared winner, she said that it is not true that there are that many registered PWD voters in Taluksangay. “That’s definitely not true… that there are that much PWDs in Taluksangay.”

As to the “liners,” she explained that there are many Badjaos in Taluksangay who do not know how to either read or write. The liners, she said, were there for these people, as well as for PWDs.

“Those people who go with the Badjaos and with those who do not know how to read and write (are there) to assist voting,” Nuño said. “It does not mean whatsoever in any way that they manipulate their votes. How can you manipulate when there present are Task Force Zamboanga, the police, their watchers are there, NAMFREL is there?”

Badjaos are an indigenous ethnic group who usually live nomadic lives on boats or in houses on stilts in the seaside.

Despite its small voting population, Taluksangay was a point of contention during the campaign period. Jomar Lobregat’s party, Adelante Zamboanga, claimed that they were not allowed to post their materials in there.

In a news item in Zamboanga Times on April 14, Adelante Zamboanga team coordinator Rudy Lim said that when he asked Taluksangay barangay chairman Abdurahman Nuño if they can conduct a pulong-pulong (meeting) in Taluksangay, Nuño replied, “No deal.”

Abdurahman Nuño is the husband of Lilia and sits in the city council representing the second district and is president of the Association of Barangay Captains.

Nuño denied Lobregat’s allegations. “We are very, very careful you know. Because we know all eyes are on Taluksangay because Taluksangay is a bailiwick of the Nuños. They think we manipulate (but) we would never do that.”

He clarified that they discouraged other parties from going there because “the (Taluksangay) people know that they had been hitting me. If they were booed they will feel bad, so we are just trying to prevent it. That is the reason why, although it was said in jest that it was a ‘no deal, they cannot go,’ but they took it seriously.” . (Yen Blanco Delgado and Barry Barraca/VERA Files)

Fuentes said deferring the barangay elections for several months or to a full year will give the Comelec more time to prepare and eventually help ease the tension brought about by last week’s national midterm and local polls.

“Almost everyone are still affected by election fatigue and that could trigger some problems if we push through with the (barangay elections) this October,” she said.

Fuentes, who was elected governor of South Cotabato in the May 13 polls, said she is not well aware of the current sentiments of her other colleagues at the House of Representatives regarding the matter but cited that several congressmen had previously pushed for such move.

A total of 14 proposed bills seeking the holding of the 2013 barangay elections to earlier and later dates were filed in the 15th Congress but they remained pending before the House committee on suffrage and electoral reforms.

On Monday, Comelec chair Sixto Brillantes said he wants the October barangay elections postponed to 2014 or early 2015 so they could already start with their preparations for the 2016 national and local elections.

He said such situation would allow the Comelec to make early recommendations with the Joint Congressional Oversight Committee in connection with the conduct of the 2016 polls.

Fuentes said that while the postponement of the barangay polls needs congressional action, specifically the revision of Republic Act (RA) 9340, any decision on the matter would still depend upon the preference of the Aquino administration.

RA 9340 mandates the conduct of synchronized elections for Barangay and the Sangguniang Kabataan every three years, specifically on the last Monday of October.

“If Malacanang will back it (postponement) up and make it an urgent matter, I think Congress will support it,” Fuentes said.

Should a postponement is eventually decided, she said it would be ideal to hold the elections not later than October 2014 so the Comelec can concentrate on preparing for the 2016 polls by 2015.

Fuentes said deferring the barangays polls beyond 2014 will be difficult for some barangays, especially within the province, whose officials were noted to have committed alleged abuses and were into some corrupt practices.

She did not name any of the alleged erring barangay officials but said they have been documenting their cases for possible filing of charges before the Department of Interior and Local Government and other concerned agencies.

“There are some barangay officials who have reportedly pawned their MOOE (maintenance and other operating expense) funds. These people should be disciplined and removed from office,” she added. (Allen V. Estabillo/MindaNews)

Titled “tribal comics series,” the illustrated materials will be used in the Daraghuyan Tribal School of Living Traditions, Datu Dumapal Benecio Docenos told MindaNews.

The datu said the school has 13 balignaos or teachers.

“We have to put it out to help bridge what the elders and the young people know. Even some of our elders need to learn from one another and the youth,” he added.

Datu Dumapal said they have no more qualms putting part of their tradition in print to help their own people and outsiders understand their culture. But he pointed out that they consulted their elders on the move as it used to be discouraged.

“But we are now ready. We are glad of the opportunity that our life, culture, situation will be known,” he added.

All of the four stories were written in Binukid but have English translation.

The first volume in the series is on Batbatanun hu Limbagan (Bukidnon tale of creation) as told by Datu Dumapal and one of his brothers, Datu Pagalungan Ignacio Docenos. The story tells the creation of space and the universe up to the creation of the first man and woman and their children. It noted the good relationship between the humans and the creation around them.

Datu Dumapal, 69, is the eldest in the Docenos clan. He is a hunter, ritualist, judge or arbiter, blacksmith, artist and teacher. He is also the tribe’s engineer who was responsible for the design of the Mt. Kitanglad Cultural Heritage Center.

The 17-page volume used 21 images illustrated by Datu Dumapal, Jonel and Gerard Docenos, Ariel and Arlan Omarol, and volunteer-artist Bong dela Torre. The images used a mix of pencil, water color, and soil paintings.

The second volume in the series is on Kag-asawa ha Batasan Hu Tribu Ha Bukidnon Ta Kitanglad or “Traditional Marriage practices of the Bukidnon Tribe in Mt. Kitanglad.”

The volume was written in Binukid by Bae Inatlawan Adelina Tarino and Datu Dumapal. Bae Inatlawan, 51, is the head claimant of the tribe’s Certificate of Ancestral Domain Title. A baylan or shaman, she is known as a cultural expert for her knowledge on healing, indigenous spirituality, and mediation skills.

It was through Bae Inatlawan that they established the tribe’s Bukidnon Inhandig Tribal School, presently the Daraghuyan Tribal School. Ariel L.

Omarol, 18, provided the 12 images used across the 14 pages of the volume.

Omarol is a member of the Daraghuyan Tribal Youth who is known for his drawings, drums, and dancing skills.

The third and fourth volumes were told and drawn by Bae Precyl Gamay, Bae Malugdang, Careliza Omarol, Bae Lourdes Ruiz, Bae Mangunguyamo Julia Cacay, and Nanay Conching Homaynon, who are all members of the Daraghuyan Tribal Women Organization.

The third volume consists of 14 pages and focuses on Kapangalima hu Tagkabugat daw hu Bata Ta Gutuk or Maternal and Child Care.

Bae Mangunguyamo told MindaNews last week that they were inspired to agree to write down their practices on maternal and child care after attending a seminar on population and development.

The fourth volume is on Gapangalima daw kagpa-aragi hu Bata or Responsible Parenthood. It has 10 pages.

Ma. Easterluna Canoy, director of the Kitanglad Integrated NGOs, which works with the tribe, said the project was funded by the Philippine Center for Population and Development (PCPD). (Walter I. Balane/MindaNews)

Danilo Centillas, DA-12 high value crops coordinator, said coffee production in the region reached 27,869 metric tons (MT).

“Sultan Kudarat remains as the coffee production center in Region 12,” he told MindaNews on Tuesday.
In 2011, DA-12 records showed that coffee production in the area was at 28,502 MT.

From 2011 to 2012, there was a decline in production by 633 MT.

After Region 12, Region 11 or the Davao region posted the second highest coffee production in 2012 at 18,950 MT, followed by the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao at 10,629 MT, making Mindanao the major coffee producer among the three major islands in the country.

Centillas blamed the high cost of fertilizers and other farm inputs for the declining coffee production in the region in 2012.

Region 12 comprises the provinces of South Cotabato, North Cotabato, Sultan Kudarat and Sarangani and the cities of General Santos, Koronadal, Tacurong, Kidapawan and Cotabato.

Sultan Kudarat hosted the first regional coffee congress in November 2011 to further enhance the commodity’s production in the area.

Nescafe Philippines, Inc., the country’s major coffee buyer, graced the event to encourage more farmers to plant the commodity.

Current farm gate trading price of coffee in Sultan Kudarat ranges from P75 to P80 per kilo, Centillas said.

Nestle buys Class A coffee from traders at P92, P90 for Class B and P87 for Class C, he added.

Coffee beans produced in Sultan Kudarat are either transported to General Santos City or Tagum City in Davao del Norte where Nestle maintains buying stations, Centillas said.

In Mindanao, Nestle operates a processing plant in Cagayan de oro City, he added.

Region 12 has at least 23,000 hectares of coffee farms with about the same area still suitable for planting the commodity, said Amalia Jayag-Datukan, DA-12 director.

Sultan Kudarat has the largest area planted to coffee with at least 17,000 hectares, data from DA-12 showed.

Coffee is considered a priority crop in the region by the Agriculture department, which provides the sector with production technology and technical and marketing assistance, Datukan said.

She urged farmers to plant more coffee due to the crop’s demand in both local and foreign markets.

Datukan said that promoting coffee propagation was also part of the agency’s efforts to mitigate the impact of climate change, improve forest cover and address soil erosion.

Nelly Nita Dillera, Department of Trade and Industry director in Sultan Kudarat, earlier said that domestic demand for coffee is currently pegged at 65,000 MT while the country could only produce 30,000 MT, posting a deficit of 35,000 MT.

The deficit is filled up by importation, she said. (Bong Sarmiento/MindaNews)

A total of 50 swimmers will again invade Sarangani Bay this May 24 to kickoff Sarangani Bay Festival, the biggest beach party in Mindanao. Will a team log the shortest time ever in the history of swim-across-the-bay?

2006 swim organizer Giuseppe Chew described the race as “the Sarangani Bay ultimate challenge.”

It has a distance of about 15 kilometers.

Governor Migs Dominguez said the swim challenge is “one way (also) of helping our swimmers to be able to compete not only in swimming pools but also in international swimming competition offshore.”

“This is not only about winning but also about finishing and conquering,” he added.

On May 18, 2006, only three teams out of six entries finished the first-ever swim across Sarangani Bay witnessed by thousands of spectators.

The Dadiangas Torpedoes of General Santos City (4:05:18 hours) won by just two minutes ahead of MJ Powerpines of Maasim (4:07:12 hours). The Maasim Swimming Team clocked in 4:57:26 for 3rd place.

“This is the longest open ocean marathon swimming competition in the country and probably in Asia,” said Chew.

“I really enjoyed it,” said swimming athlete Ergel Arcinas of the 2006 race. “It was hard on our part since the water was salty and the bay has a strong current. We are used to swimming in the pool.”

The following year, swim teams came from Davao City, Koronadal City, General Santos City, Polomolok, Maasim and the Philippine Navy.

The Gensan swimmers repeated their win and broke their own record that year (2007).

The swimmers finished in record fashion with the Dadiangas Torpedoes A successfully defending their title with a record time of 2:50:15.23 hours and received P40,000 for the top prize.

MJ Fighters B finished second (2:55:01.29 hours) and went home with P25,000 while the Tinoto Dolphins came in third to claim P10,000.

An all-female team from General Santos City clocked in 3:11:17.05 hours.

On May 17, 2008, 10 teams again raced from Maasim to Glan crossing Sarangani Bay in SarBay Fest’s most grueling race and between one of the bay’s narrowest points.

The Swim-across-the-Bay is a brainchild of former Capitol agriculture chief and marine biologist Giuseppe Chew who now lives abroad.

“I could still vividly remember well when I made my suggestion to the floor when we had our first meeting to conduct the Sarangani Bay Festival, everyone was laughing at me,” Chew said in an email.

“The suggestion was almost killed if not for Board Member Art Lawa who supported and believed in my grandiose plan,” he said.

Chew said the Swim-across-the-Bay “turned out the best activity then and highly successful.”

He said it is “the longest open ocean swimming competition in the Philippines and probably in Asia.”

“Who would ever believe historic Sarangani Bay (mentioned in Antonio Pigafetta’s epic journal of Magellan’s expedition), the deepest bay in the Philippines can be conquered with human prowess?”

“Even the local Coast Guard commander then did not believe it can be done when I called for a meeting to prepare for the medical emergency plan,” Chew added.

And the rest is history.

Davao tankers ruled the 2008 swim.

The Sta. Cruz Seafoods Inc. team of Davao City outclassed seven others in 3:17:05 hours. However, it did not break the record of Dadiangas Torpedoes (2:50:15.23 hours) who did not field a team in 2008. The official time: Sta. Cruz team – 3:17:05; South Cotabato – 3:20:14, Sultan Team – 3:21:24.

On May 29, 2009, 12 teams joined the swim. The standings: 1st – Sultan Swimming Team (4:10:41); 2nd – Sea Lions (4:11:47) and 3rd – Tinoto Dophins (4:12:28).

In 2010, 1st – Dadiangas Torpedoes (3:16:47); 2nd – Sultan Team (3:22:18); and 3rd – MJ Power Team (3:22:46).

Eventually, Koronadal City’s Sea Lions ruled the seas in 2011. Sea Lions with top swimmer Bonifacio Pagunsan crossed the finish line at 3:41:42. The Philippine Army’s Tinoto Pirates got the second prize (3:53:28) while Dadiangas Torpedoes bagged the third place (4:05:19).

In 2012, the Dadiangas Torpedoes ruled the race for the fifth time. They clocked in 2:57:40 hours, beating nine other teams to the finish line. However, it was seven minutes short of breaking their 2007 (2:50:15.23) record.

Second place was the Sea Lions with 3:02:52 hours, only 1 minute and 40 seconds ahead of Davao’s team GenSan View Resort (3:03:12 hours).

The 2012 race was one of the fastest, next only to the 2007 record.

Veteran Torpedoes member Lawin Dacera’s tip to swimmers? “Our game plan was pretty easy. It’s basically, go out there and swim hard, swim fast and don’t really care if you got last or first. Just have fun.” (Serafin N. Ramos Jr./Sarangani Information Office)

Or is it fairer to say that people merely voted to comply with unwritten covenants that accompany patronage, favors, and gimmicks that they are party to in the course of selection? How about the observation that most, or certainly a large number of the voters, made their choices on the basis of popularity and name-recall?

These are legitimate questions in light of what is now universally admitted that vote-buying, vote-selling, and related corruption have become so widespread, occurring before and during the electoral period.

Pork

Before the vote-buying, there was widespread use of Pork Barrel funds (or simply, Pork) which congressmen and senators showered on local projects to impress the community and win its approval and support at election time.

Initiating such projects has nothing to do with a lawmaker’s duty, much less is funding them with taxpayer money, but they do it because it impresses naïve, impressionable, or corrupt voters. In other words, they use it to manipulate perceptions in the community, to create a favorable opinion. It is done in the name of development, but in reality it is personal propaganda and promotion, i.e. self-glorification designed to promote re-election. And all of it, from start to finish, including the billboards trumpeting the lawmaker’s name, is funded by taxpayer money.

So widespread is this cavalier spending of the taxpayer’s money by lawmakers that it has attained the status of normality. Pork-funded projects are now a regular feature in every community, a sight so common that it is taken for granted as part of the landscape both in its environmental and political sense.

Note, for example, that hardly anyone gives it any significance, not even the fact that it has become a major source of corruption, or the fact that Pork allocations attract greedy, unscrupulous traditional politicos—TRAPOS—and keeps them in office. No one questions how it finances their expensive campaigns year-round. Very few voters are aware of it happening in their own backyard. Worse, no one seems aware how Pork fills the bottomless pockets of politicos all the time (effortlessly!) since kickbacks and commissions from projects are regularly funneled into their accounts by contractors and suppliers.

Patronage politics

Handouts to provide immediate relief are the stock-in-trade of a TRAPO—money for fare, a few kilos of rice, a job referral, a few square meters of urban land or a sidewalk to squat on, a few doses of medicine, funeral expenses, or even a cake for a wedding, etc.. Instant gratification with no thought of the future or for the kind of governance that creates opportunities greater than what political favors could ever provide.

This is the insidious art of patronage politics, favors in exchange for votes, handouts to ensnare the needy, misguided charity (with a mercenary purpose). The noble mission of politics and statecraft is transmogrified into a marketplace for the miserable and the wretched in which the currency is political accommodation.

No better example of the insidious effect of this brand of politics can be found than in the city of Cagayan de Oro under Vicente Y. Emano, its just-vanquished mayor. Years ago, with the view to solidifying his voter-base, he adopted a policy of total accommodation to landless in-migrants (translation: voters), buying up tracts of land, which he distributed to “informal settlers” at the mere payment of one peso at first, then fifty centavos later on.

Labeled “Piso-Piso Program,” then “Singkwenta-Singkwenta” later, it was sort of a Robin Hood scheme: Collect taxes from productive sectors (locals), spend the money on giveaways to the homeless settlers (tax-exempt being part of the informal economy, and keep their votes captive. This was paralleled by a so-called “No Vote, Ibot!” policy of retribution (“If you don’t vote for me, out you go!”).

The scheme proved so potent as a strategy for political domination and longevity that its mastermind and the self-styled party he founded was able to keep a hammerlock on the city’s administration for 15 years until just recently. But it was no less potent, and lethal, for its having produced a city whose—let’s call a spade a spade—squatter population today outnumber its bona-fide residents.

Unless effectively challenged, patronage Politics turns elections into a mere formality. It predetermines election outcomes long before the election period and away from the polling precinct. Waged by trapos all year round, it is an unending campaign, election period or not, saving them the pretense of formulating party platforms or programs, or having to debate rival parties or candidates.

The purpose of patronage or Pork, its handmaiden, is to control votes through political favors, big and small. Each act of patronage, each release from the pork barrel, is calculated to rig the results of any election—so that by the time actual elections roll in, the cards are stacked against any opponent. It is the traditional way to snare and control votes, the principal tool of trapos to keep themselves and their dynasties in power.

Thus, with Pork as the Horn of Plenty backing them up, and patronage fueling their campaign machinery, it should surprise no one if the recent elections merely multiplied the number of trapos and dynasties in power, while also exponentially multiplying the likelihood of corruption, dishonesty, venality, and malaise afflicting our society as never before.

In casting a vote, did the people really make a decision or merely complied with their part of the bargain in the Pork Barrel/Patronage transaction? (MindaViews is the opinion section of MindaNews. Manny Valdehuesa is the president and national convenor of Gising Barangay Movement Inc. He can be reached at valdehuesa@gmail.com )

“We’re quite happy that in the results of the election in both local and national level, the administration candidates dominated. So I think there will be no reason for the government not to push through with the processes in the negotiation when they have… majority (in) Congress,” Murad told MindaNews Friday afternoon at the reception hall of the Office of the MILF Peace Panel.

He said they hope the victory of the Liberal Party, the President’s party, “will be an advantage because we are relying much on the sincerity and the capability of the government to implement the (peace) process.”

Murad also said the MILF will start building a political party “within this year” in preparation for the 2016 elections when the first set of officials of the Bangsamoro is expected to be elected.

“Within this year, we will start already (setting up the political party).” Murad said in mixed English and Pilipino.

MILF chair Al Haj Murad Ebrahim at the MILF Peace Panel’s office in Camp Darapanan, Sultan Kudarat, Maguindanao on May 17. MindaNews photo by Toto Lozano

Murad said they will form a political party because “we want to maintain the status of the MILF as an Islamic organization and the political party will be the arm of the MILF for the political process.”

Murad said they have yet to name the party but it will definitely contain the word “Bangsamoro.”

The Philippine government (GPH) and MILF peace panels signed on October 15 last year the Framework Agreement on the Bangsamoro (FAB). After the elections, they are supposed to complete the annexes on Wealth-sharing, Power-sharing and Normalization, to complete the comprehensive peace pact for the establishment of the Bangsamoro, the new autonomous political entity that would replace the 23-year old Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM).

The FAB also provides for the creation of a Transition Commission that would draft the Bangsamoro Basic Law. When the Basic Law is done, it will be submitted to Congress with the President certifying it as urgent and once passed by Congress will be submitted to a plebiscite in the core areas comprising the five-province, two-city Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao, the six towns in Lanao del Norte (Baloi, Munai, Nunungan, Pantar, Tagoloan and Tangkal) and the barangays in the towns of Kabacan, Carmen, Aleosan, Pigcawayan, Pikit and Midsayap that voted for inclusion in the 2001 plebiscite; the cities of Cotabato and Isabela in Basilan and all other contiguous areas where there is a resolution of the local government unit or there is a petition of at least ten per cent of the qualified voters in their area.

The future “Bangsamoro” will, as agreed upon by the GPH-MILF, have a ministerial form of government.

Murad acknowledged that in last week’s election, “nag dominate pa rin ang 3Gs (guns, goons, gold). But he said he is confident that in the proposed Bangsamoro Basic Law, “we can at least gradually change the system because unless you change the system, we do not see a future for the electoral process because we observed that the 3Gs still dominate.”

The MILF is going to face two electoral processes between now and 2016: the plebiscite for the ratification of the Bangsamoro Basic Law and the election of the first set of officials of the “Bangsamoro” political entity in the May 2016 elections.

This year’s polls served as a preview to the plebiscite and the May 2016 polls with many MILF members voting for the first time. The MILF was perceived as supporting the candidacy of Tucao Mastura for governor of Maguindanao. Mastura lost to reelectionist Esmael Mangudadatu. His defeat raised doubts about an “MILF vote.”

Murad explained that “not all the MILF supported Tucao Mastura. There are those who voted also for the other side. We did not endorse any candidate so members were free to choose who they would vote for, who can help in the peace process. Not all voted because there are those who are not registered voters.”

While not citing figures, Murad acknowledged “marami” (many) registered in the general re-registration in the ARMM last year.

“In preparation for this year’s election?” MindaNews asked.

“Actually it’s not for this election. The preparation is actually for the plebiscite. We encouraged them to register in preparation for the plebiscite,” Murad said.

Murad is pleased that the peace process was carried as an election issue by candidates from both the administration and the opposition.

He said judging from the statements of Mangudadatu before the election, “he has been expressing his support to the Framework Agreement.”

“Actually, even during the campaign period he was also very, very supportive … of the Framework Agreement. In fact, he also thanked the MILF pronounce(ment) of neutrality (in) the election.”

He expressed confidence that the Bangsamoro Basic Law that would be crafted by the Transition
Commission would pass smoothly in Congress.

“Well that is our expectation but you know the politics in the Philippines …But we are really banking on the statement of the elected officials expressing their support to the Framework Agreement and also the President’s.” (Carolyn O. Arguillas/MindaNews)

Among 17 regions nationwide, the five-province, two-city ARMM is the country’s poorest, posting 46.9% according to the National Statistical Coordination Board’s “First Semester Per Capita Threshold and Poverty incidence Among Families, by region and provinces, 2006, 2009 and 2012” released on April 23 this year.

ARMM comprises Lanao del Sur and Maguindanao in the mainland, the island provinces of Basilan, Sulu, Tawi-tawi and the cities of Marawi and Lamitan.

Nationwide, the NSCB said, “22 out of 100 families were estimated to be poor in the first semester of 2012 with the average poverty incidence at 22.3%. In the ARMM, the figure is more than twice at 46.9% or 47 out of 100 families.

In Lanao del Sur, the figure is thrice the national average at 68.9% and Maguindanao at 57.8%. Basilan’s poverty incidence is at 32.5%, Sulu’s is 30.4% while Tawi-tawi’s is 20.8%.

“Actually, we are the poorest because of the two provinces but not the entire region,” Hataman told MindaNews shortly after the flag retreat late Friday afternoon at the ARMM’s main office.

Proclaimed earlier that day as winner in the ARMM gubernatorial race along with his running mate Haround Alrashid Lucman, Hataman attended the flag retreat, a weekly activity he enforced in the ARMM. Friday’s retreat ended with a raffle of, among others, cooking pots, rice cookers, rice dispensers, sacks of rice and brown envelopes containing cash.

He said the three island provinces are no longer on the list of poorest provinces and only the two mainland provinces are their problem.

“Challenge ito sa amin” (This is a challenge to us), he said.

He said he tasked his economic staff to study the situation so they would know how best to address the problem. “Target namin ibababa ito to single-digit during our term.”

Lanao del Sur and Maguindanao, he said, have huge agricultural potentials but the former is more into trading while economic activity in the latter is “nakasentro sa political leaders.”
In the island provinces like Hataman’s Basilan, food is easily accessible and cheap, he said.

7th elected Gov, 1st minority

Hataman is the first elected ARMM governor coming from a minor ethnic group, the Yakan of Basilan. His mother is from Pata, Sulu.

He is the seventh elected governor of the 23-year old ARMM which has had two Maguindanaon governors: Zacaria Candao (1990-1993) and Zaldy Ampatuan (2005-until his detention on December 5, 2009 for his alleged involvement in the November 23, 2009 massacre of 58 persons in Ampatuan, Maguindanao); one Maranao. Liningding Pangandaman (1993-1996) and two Taosugs: Nur Misuari (1996 -2001) and Dr. Parouk Hussin (2002 -2005).

In the seven elections held in the ARMM, the May 13 election was the first synchronized with national mid-term and local elections.

In his Proclamation statement, Hataman said, “the voice of the great majority in ARMM has been heard through a clean and credible election, which was uncertain if not entirely improbable in the past.”

“The seeds of reforms have started to take roots during our incumbency as caretakers. Help us nurture these seeds so that their vines and fruits reach even the farthest island and remotest village in the region,” he said.

The three-year term of office of the elected ARMM officials will be cut short when the Bangsamoro Basic Law is ratified. After the ratification, the ARMM is deemed abolished and the Bangsamoro Transition Authority (BTA) takes over in preparation for the first election of leaders of the Bangsamoro, the new autonomous political entity that will relace the ARMM.

Hataman said they “remain firm in our pledge and would step aside to make way…for a new political set-up meant to take the Bangsamoro to greater heights.”

ARMM or Bangsamoro

Hataman is optimistic that despite the delays, the target date of 2015 for the BTA to take over from the ARMM would be met.

He also said he does not see a diminution in the area of governance of the Bangsamoro.

In mixed English and Pilipino, Hataman said he believes the core area of the ARMM would be retained and may even be expanded.

“It’s simple. It really depends on the law. Either new Bangsamoro entity or back to ARMM,” he said.

“In the plebiscite, you ratify. If the new law is defeated, you go back to the old law. But I am optimistic that the Bangsamoro (law) will win,” he explained.

Transition governance

President Aquino named Hataman, a former Anak Mindanaw party-list representative, as OIC Governor in late December 2011. Aquino referred to him as the “ghostbuster of the ARMM” but Hataman said he’s done with “ghost-busting” and will now focus on the economy.

He said he hopes the President would see him now as “generally reformist, not just ghostbusting, that ARMM is reformed, developed and poverty is addressed.”

He said good governance should not just be done at the regional level but down at the barangay level.

Hataman said he would also see to the “smooth transition” toward the Bangsamoro by focusing also on capacitation of the present bureaucracy, how to strengthen it to achieve a smooth transition so that even if ARMM is abolished, the human resources could be used by the new political entity, except the heads of offices.

Even if the Transition Commission is independent and separate entity, Hataman said he would coordinate with them to capacitate human resources for the future Bangsamoro.

Hataman says he will “open talks with MILF and other BDA (Bangsamoro Development Agency) agencies, even with OPAPP (Office of the Presidential Adviser on the Peace Process) for those who have potentials to go on OJT (on the job training).

“Personally, I want the Bangsamoaro entity to be successful, whoever they will put there. At least they know the dynamics of governance because even if you are good, if you do not know the dynamics, the culture in government, it would be difficult.” (Carolyn O. Arguillas/MindaNews)

Slain was West Migpulao Barangay Chairman Julian Nacau, who died on the spot after he was repeatedly shot at his residence around 12 noon Sunday, according to Police Regional Office-9 spokesperson Chief Insp. Ariel Huesca.

Huesca said that Nacau was allegedly shot to death by Muamar Fermin.

Insp. Ricardo Lubaton, Dinas police chief, on Monday said over the phone that Fermin was arrested in a follow-up operation.

Criminal charges are set to be filed against the suspect, said Lubaton.

Investigation showed that Nacau was eating lunch together with his family when Fermin arrived and allegedly shot the victim with a caliber .45 pistol.

Nacau’s family members, who scampered for safety, were unharmed.

The slain barangay official was known to be a staunch supporter of former Zamboanga del Sur provincial board member Wilfredo Asoy, who ran for town mayor but lost in the May 13 mid-term polls. (Mindanews)

Rescued by the PCG’s BRP-Nueva Vizcaya-I was M/L April Joy, which plies the Zamboanga City-Palawan route.

Commander Allan Corpuz, BRP-Nueva Vizcaya skipper, said Monday over a local television station they rescued M/L April Joy in the vicinity of Mangsee Island, Balabac, Palawan.

Paterson Jainuddin, the owner of M/L April Joy, disclosed they departed on Wednesday in Balabac en route to this city when the vessel’s engine conked out beyond repair.

Corpuz said M/L April Joy, which is skippered by Ibno Hassan, had lost radio contact and was drifting at sea for three days already at the time it was rescued.

The rescued ferry was towed by the BRP-Nueva Vizcaya and arrived late Sunday at a private wharf in this city.

Meanwhile, Corpuz said they were taking custody of M/L April Joy after learning that it was transporting passengers and cargoes without the required permits. (MindaNews)

This after Rep. Daisy Avance-Fuentes (second district), who has been elected as the new governor, vowed to implement the ban on open-pit mining in the next three years, or until 2016.

It was Fuentes who signed the controversial Environment Code that bans open-pit mining before stepping down as governor in 2010 after completing three straight terms.

Fuentes (Nationalist People’s Coalition) defeated incumbent Gov. Arthur Pingoy Jr. (United Nationalist Alliance) on Monday’s elections on a vote of 117,855 and 111,214, respectively, or a margin of 6,641 votes.

“I will implement the provisions of the Environment Code that bans open-pit mining,” Fuentes said, noting she was the one who signed the controversial measure.

During Pingoy’s term, he implemented the open-pit ban signed by Fuentes, despite lobbying from the company and pro-mining groups for him to disregard the prohibition.

The pro-mining groups failed to have the open-pit ban lifted by the Sangguniang Panlalawigan or provincial board so far.

The new set of elected officials will take over on June 30, 2013.

During the campaign period, Fuentes and Pingoy also vowed to ensure that the ban on open-pit mining will stay.

Efforts of SMI to develop the Tampakan copper, touted as the largest known undeveloped copper reserve in Southeast Asia, has been hobbled by the open-pit mining ban imposed by South Cotabato.

In December last year, the company announced that it was moving the start of commercial operation from 2016 to 2019. Among the major challenges the company cited facing its operation was the open-pit ban in South Cotabato.

Last February, the Department of Environment and Natural Resources granted SMI an environmental compliance certificate (ECC), after rejecting it twice last year on the ground of the open-pit mining prohibition of South Cotabato.

As set by the ECC, an endorsement from the provincial government is among the other requirements needed by the firm before it can proceed to commercial production.

MindaNews contacted SMI spokesman John Arnaldo for comments on the company’s view on the matter, given the new set of officials, at 9:30 a.m. Monday but he asked for half an hour to issue a statement.

Arnaldo got back with an emailed statement at 1:19 p.m., “congratulating Fuentes on her successful election as the new South Cotabato Provincial Governor.”

“With the passage of the Aquino Administration’s National Mining Policy and the Department of Interior and Local Government (DILG) Memorandum directing that all local legislations be consistent with the national mining law, we hope that through continued dialogue with incoming Governor Fuentes and the rest of the South Cotabato provincial government officials, there will be a timely resolution to the open-pit ban in the South Cotabato Environment Code,” he said.

“We have worked with Congressman (sic) Fuentes in a number of development programs in South Cotabato, and we will continue to engage with her and the rest of the provincial government officials as their local stakeholder and development partner,” Arnaldo said.

As to the new set of composition of the provincial board, five party mates each of Fuentes and Pingoy won seats.

The winning bets were Gly Mariano Trabado (NPC), Romeo Tamayo (NPC) and Jobee Baitus (UNA) for the first district, and Vicente de Jesus (NPC), Ester Catorce (UNA), Grace Subere-Albios (NPC), Ervin Luntao (UNA), Agustin Demaala (NPC), Romulo Solivio (UNA) and Samuel Ladot (UNA) for the second district.

The vice governor-elect is Cecile Diel, an ally of Pingoy, who is the board’s presiding officer and could be the vote that could break any tie.

An incumbent board member, Diel, however vowed to protect the environment code as part of her platform of governance during the campaign period.

Fuentes said that while five of her party mates won seats to the provincial board, the ex-officio members for the leagues of councilors, barangay captains and the Sangguniang Kabataan are also her allies.

Basically, we have the numbers at the provincial board, she said.

In Tampakan town, reelectionist Mayor Leonardo Escobillo, a staunch supporter of the mining project of SMI, won as well as majority of his party mates in the Sangguniang Bayan. (Bong S. Sarmiento/MindaNews)

Acharon said his office is now preparing the necessary requirements for the filing of the measure, which sets the reconfiguration of the first and second legislative districts of South Cotabato to pave the way for the creation of a new legislative district in the area.

“The city has long been qualified to have its own separate legislative district, so (the passage of) this measure is long overdue,” he said.

The official said the separation into a new district also augurs well with the city’s development goals and direction.

Acharon, who is a former mayor of this city, was reelected last May 13 for a second term to the House of Representatives under the administration-backed Liberal Party-Nationalist People’s Coalition-Achiever’s with Integrity Movement (LP-NPC-AIM) ticket.

He convincingly won over reelected Sarangani Rep. Emmanuel Pacquiao’s younger brother Rogelio of the People’s Champ Movement-United Nationalist Alliance.

Acharon initially filed House Bill (HB) 6038 or “an act reapportioning the composition of the first and second legislative districts in the province of South Cotabato and thereby creating a new legislative district from such reapportionment,” on March 19, 2012.

It was referred to the House committee on local government on May 7 but failed to get past the preliminary discussions until the 15th Congress went on recess last February for the May 13 elections.

South Cotabato (2nd District) Second District Rep. Daisy Avance-Fuentes, who co-authored HB 6038, earlier admitted that they ran out of time to have the measure calendared for committee hearings as it was filed “quite late.”

Fuentes, who was elected governor of South Cotabato, expressed support for the re-filing and passage of the bill during her campaigns.

Her successor at the House, close ally Ferdinand Hernandez of the LP-NPC, had also endorsed the separation of this city into a new legislative district.

Under HB 6038, the present composition of South Cotabato’s first and second congressional will be reapportioned to carve out a separate or lone congressional district for this city.

The first district presently comprises this city and the municipalities of Tupi, Tampakan and Polomolok in South Cotabato.

The second district is composed of Koronadal City and the municipalities of Tantangan, Banga, T’boli, Surallah, Sto.Nino, Norala, and Lake Sebu in South Cotabato.

The proposed measure provided that South Cotabato’s first district will be reshaped, comprising the towns of Polomolok, Tupi, Tampakan and T’boli.

Koronadal City, which is a component city and capital of South Cotabato, and the six remaining towns will compose the province’s second district.

This city, which has a population of 538,086 based on the 2010 census, has long been classified as an independent and highly-urbanized locality but has remained a part of South Cotabato’s first congressional district.

It was originally a component of the undivided Cotabato empire province until Congress approved its charter in 1968. (Allen V. Estabillo/MindaNews)

Gemma Rivera, DSWD Region 12 assistant director, said Monday a water purifying station project was recently completed in Barangay D. Lotilla in Isulan town through the national government’s flagship anti-poverty program Kapit-Bisig Laban sa Kahirapan-Comprehensive and Integrated Delivery of Social Services (Kalahi-CIDSS).

She said it was so far the first water purifying station project that was implemented in any part of the country under the Kalahi-CIDSS since it started in 2003.

The official said the project, which was expected to begin full operations by the end of the month or early June, will mainly benefit 765 households within the project area.

Rivera said the agency and community stakeholders spent a total of P846,638 for the implementation of the project, which was seen to end the decades of suffering of villagers from insufficient potable water supply.

“The residents were left with no choice but spend a portion of their meager income to buy potable drinking water to avoid consuming contaminated water and eventually get sick because of them,” she said in a statement.

Such situation was among the factors that drove most members of the community to live in dire poverty these past years, she said.

Aside from answering the community health concerns due to unsafe drinking water, Rivera said the project was expected to generate additional income for local residents.

She said it will specifically generate opportunities in terms of employment and local entrepreneurship as well as increase the village government’s revenues.

Kalahi-CIDSS forms part of the three-pronged anti-poverty convergence programs of the national government that are implemented by the DSWD.

Dubbed “Tatsulok,” the initiative includes the Pantawid Pamilyang Pilipino Program or 4Ps and Sustainable Livelihood Program.

Under the Kalahi-CIDSS, poor communities are capacitated to analyze their own problems, manage, plan, and implement their identified project to answer their pressing needs.

In Region 12 or the Soccsksargen Region, the project was able to help build various community infrastructure projects such as school buildings, bridges, health stations, water systems, day care centers, roads, post-harvest facilities, and other common services.

Region 12 comprises the provinces of South Cotabato, Sultan Kudarat, Sarangani and North Cotabato as well as the cities of General Santos, Koronadal, Tacurong, Kidapawan and Cotabato. (Allen V. Estabillo/MindaNews)

Based on records from the Provincial Board of Canvassers, seven governors-elect will be serving as governor for the first time but they have served previously in other posts or are sons of  governors “graduating” at the end of nine years on June 30. Of 18 who sought reelection, two are not returning to the Capitol. But two former governors are returning to their post after  spending three years in another elective post.

Six  others won even before the ballots were cast on May 13: they ran unopposed.

Among the family teams elected, the Dimaporos of Lanao del Norte and the Plazas of Agusan del Sur — the longest-surviving political clans in Mindanao in half a century — won again the gubernatorial post and their two congressional districts will again be represented by siblings in the case of the Plazas, and  in Lanao del Norte, by parents.

Governor Mohammad Khalid Dimaporo was elected to a third term in Lanao del Norte while his parents Imelda and Abdullah, both former governors and representatives, will be representing Congress in the first and second districts. In 2010, the governor’s sister, Fatima Aliah, was elected to represent the second district, a post held by their father Abdullah from 1987 to 1992 and 2001 to 2010 and will be held again in 2013 to 2016. Imelda was governor from 1998 to 2007 and was elected to the 1^st district in 2010 to 2013.

In Agusan del Sur, it will still be a Plaza-Plaza-Plaza team with Governor Adolph Edward Plaza voted to a fourth term (after 2001-2007 and 2010-2013)  his sisters Ma. Valentina and Evelyn Plaza-Mellana representing the two districts. Valentina was governor from 2007 to 2010.

The ten other executive-legislative family teams were elected in Agusan del Norte, Bukidnon, Camiguin, Davao del Norte, Davao del Sur, Lanao del Sur, Maguindanao, Sultan Kudarat, Tawi-tawi and Zamboanga del Sur.

Two provinces also elected family teams for Governor and Vice Governor – Dinagat Islands and Sulu, while three provinces elected family teams for Vice Governor and Representative – Compostela Valley, Misamis Occidental and Sarangani.

Brothers and sisters, fathers and sons

In Agusan del Norte, Rep. Ma. Angelica Rosedell Amante swapped posts with brother-Governor, Erlpe John. Both are completing their third terms by June 30. By then, Ms Amante will have returned to the gubernatorial post she held from 1995 to 2004 while her brother Erlpe, governor from 2004 to 2013, will be serving as representative.The siblings ran unopposed.

Bukidnon, Camiguin and Davao del Norte elected father and son teams. Bukidnon’s  returning governor Jose Ma. Zubiri, incumbent Vice Governor, was voted to a fourth term (after 2001 to 2010) and  Jose Ma. Zubiri III, elected to a third term. Zubiri served as Representative of the 3^rd district from 1987 to 1998. His son Juan Miguel, served that district from 1998 to 2007. Juan Miguel was elected Senator in 2007 but hounded by charges of having cheated to win, resigned in August 2011, his seat taken over by Aquilino “Koko” Pimentel who won in this year’s Senate race. Juan Miguel ran but lost his bid to win a Senate seat.

By June 30, 2016, the Zubiris will have served the third district of Bukidnon for nine terms  or 29 years – the seat bequeathed from father to son to another son. The Zubiri patriarch swapped posts with incumbent Governor Alex Calingasan, now vice governor-elect.

Like the Zubiris, the Romualdos have also dominated Camiguin’s politics, the lone district seat in their hands also from 1987 to 2016 –  from the patriarch Pedro Romualdo to son Jurdin Jesus and back to Pedro who was seeking reelection when he died last month. A grandson, Xavier Jesus, son of the incumbent governor Jurdin Jesus, won the seat. Jurdin Jesus became governor in 2007 after his father’s three terms from 1998 to 2007.

Fifth term

In Davao del Norte, Rodofo del Rosario won a fifth term as governor (after 1998-2004; 2007-2013). The two congressional districts are presently held by Del Rosario’s son Anthony and nephew Antonio Floirendo Lagdameo, Jr., Antony del Rosario from 2010 and Lagdameo from 2007. Like the Zubiris and Romualdos, the Del Rosario-Floireno clan has been representing the third and later second district since 1987.

The Del Rosario patriarch was representative from 1987 to 1998. Antonio Floirendo, Jr., his nephew, served from 1998 to 2007.

Davao del Sur and Lanao del Sur have brothers  for Governor and Representative:  Governor-elect Claude Bautista and Franklin, representative of the second district  of Davao del Sur and Mamintal Adiong, Jr., elected to a third term as governor and his brother Ansaruddin Adiong, representative of the fist district. Governor Adiong’s cousin, Pangalian Balindong was also elected to a third term  as representative of the second district.

In Davao del Sur, Governor-elect Bautista, representative of the second district of Davao del Sur from 2001 to 2007,  will be serving  as governor for the first time, and his brother Franklin, who is serving a fourth term (previous terms: 1998-2001; 2007 to 2013) as representative.  Both brothers served as  mayor of their hometown, Malita,  Franklin from 1988 to 1998, Claude from 1998 to 2001. Another brother, Benjamin, Jr. was  Governor from 2002 to 2007 and is incumbent mayor of Malita.The Bautista’s father, Benjamin, Sr., was representative from 1987 to 1998.

Like the Zubiris, Romualdos and the Del Rosario-Floirendo clan, the Bautistas will have been representing the second district of Davao del Sur for 29 years by 2016.

Brothers, cousins, brother and sister, husband and wife

Joining the team of brothers in the executive and legislative posts is the team of Maguindanao Governor Esmael Mangudadatu and his brother, Representative-elect Zahid Mangudadatu. Mangudadatu was reelected while this is the first congressional term of Zahid, mayor of Pandag.

In Sultan Kudarat, Suharto “Teng” Mangudadatu, the Maguindanao governor’s cousin, was elected to a third term while his brother-in-law Raden Sakaluran was elected to a second term in Congress, representing the first district.  Sakaluran is married to Mangudadatu’s sister, Ruth, who ran unopposed for mayor of Lutayan town, the Mangudadatus’ hometown in Sultan Kudarat province.

In Tawi-tawi, the governor-elect is Nurbert Sahali, mayor of Panglima Sugala town and son of third-term governor Sadikul Sahali. His sister, Ruby Sahali was elected representative of the lone district.

In Zamboanga del Sur, Governor Antonio Cerilles was elected to a second term while wife Aurora was also elected to a second term as representative of the second district. The incumbent governor served as Representative from 1987 to 1998 and 2004 to 2010 while wife Aurora served as governor from 2001 to 2010 and representative from 1998 to 2001.

In Dinagat Islands and Sulu,  it’s a mother-son and father-son team,  respectively, for governor and vice governor.

In Dinagat Islands, Governor Glenda Ecleo was elected to a second term while son Benglen, incumbent provincial administrator, was elected vice governor.

In Sulu, Abdusakur Tan II is the incoming governor while his father, the incumbent governor Abdusakur Tan, is his vice governor. The elder Tan served as governor from 1996 to 2001 and from 2007 to 2013.

In Compostela Valley, Misamis Occidental and Sarangani, the vice governor s and representatives are also father and daughter and husband  and wife teams. In Compostela, the Vice Governor-elect is Manuel Zamora while his daughter Maria Carmen Zamora-Apsay won a second term unopposed in the first district.

In Misamis Occidental, Vice Governor-elect is Virginia Almonte while her husband, Jorge was elected to a second term as representative of the first district.

In Sarangani, first-time politician Jinkee Pacquiao won as Vice Governor while husband Emmanuel Pacquiao, the boxer, was elected to a second term, unopposed.

Re-elected

The 16 reelected governors are: Davao del Norte’s Rodolfo del Rosario (fifth term), Agusan del Sur’s Adolph Edward Plaza (fourth term), the following who will serve a third term:  Basilan’s Jum Akbar, Camiguin’s Jurdin Jesus Romualdo , Compostela Valley’s Arturo Uy, Davao Oriental’s Corazon Malanyaon, Lanao del Norte’s Mohammad Khalid Dimaporo, Lanao del Sur’s Mamintal Adiong, Jr, Sultan Kudarat’s Suharto Mangudadatu; and those who were elected to a second term: Dinagat’s Glenda Ecleo, Maguindanao’s Esmael “Toto” Mangudadatu, Misamis Occidental’s Herminia Ramiro,  North Cotabato’s Emmylou Talino-Mendoza, Surigao del Norte’s Sol Matugas, Surigao del Sur’s Johnny Pimentel, and Zamboganga del Sur’ Antonio Cerilles.

Two incumbents who sought reelection but lost are South Cotabato’s Arthur Pingoy and Zamboanga Sibugay’s Rommel Jalosjos.  Former Governor Daisy Avance-Fuentes was reelected South Cotabato governor while Wilter Palma was elected governor of Zamboanga Sibugay.

The seven first-term governors are Davao del Sur’s Claude Bautista, Misamis Oriental’s Yevgeny Emano, Sarangani’s Steven Chiongbian Solon, Sulu’s Abdusakur Tan II, Tawi-tawi’s Nurbert Sahali, Zamboanga del Norte’s Roberto Uy and Zamboanga Sibugay’s Palma.

Six won the gubernatorial post even before Monday’s polls, having run unopposed: Agusan del Norte’s Amane, Compostela Valley’s Uy, Davao del Norte’s del Rosario, Davao Oriental’s Malanyaon and Sarangani’s Solon. (Vanessa Almeda, Carolyn O. Arguillas, Keith Bacongco, Walter Balane, Ferdinandh Cabrera, Roel Catoto, Allen V. Estabillo, Froilan Gallardo, Violeta M. Gloria, Toto Lozano, Malu Manar, Erwin Mascarinas H. Ruby Thursday More, Marcos C. Mordeno, Bong Sarmiento and Bobby Timonera/MindaNews) 

Salazar, who is this city’s two-term first district representative to Congress, made the announcement, emphasizing that she will personally manage the affairs of the city government in the next three years.

Salazar’s statement was in reaction to an election issue that she will merely serve as “puppet” of her predecessor, Mayor Celso Lobregat.

“I would like to make it clear that having been given an overwhelming mandate to serve the people, I will manage the city according to my own conviction,” she declared.

The mayor-elect is a niece of  the feisty anti-Marcos dictatorship mayor,  Cesar Cortes Cimaco,  who was assassinated on November 14, 1984.

Her father, Jose,  was elected vice mayor in 1987.

Salazar, a Liberal Party (LP) stalwart, said she would use her “Malacañang connection” to push the Department of Energy (DoE) to find reliable solution to the worsening power situation hitting this city.

This city experienced eight to nine hours daily rotational brownouts months before Monday’s election and  enjoyed 24-hour electricity from May 11 or two days before the  May 13 polls, until Thursday, May 16.

However,  Sherwin Mañada, acting general manager of Zamboanga City Electric Cooperative (Zamcelco) , issued a notice on Friday that this city will again experience rotational brownout lasting three to four hours daily.

Salazar  also said she will sit down together with top police as well as military officials in finding a lasting solution to this city’s peace and order problem.

She is not also discounting the possibility of her seeking advice  from her husband, retired Army general Trifonio Salazar , current head of the National Intelligence Coordination Agency, on matters of solving problems on criminality.

Salazar will replace Mayor Celso Lobregat, who is completing his third term and has been elected first district representative, a post he is returning to after his nine-year mayoralty.

Lobregat was representative from 1998 to 2004, after his mother’s 1987 to 1998 stay in Congress. He was supposed to run for a third term in 2004 but substituted for her mother in the mayoralty race in 2004 when the latter died.

Salazar won the mayoralty race by huge margin over her former party mate, second district Rep. Erico Basilio Fabian, garnering 172,439 votes against Fabian’s 29,200 votes.

Both Salazar and Lobregat ran under the Liberal Party-Laban ng Demokratikong Pilipino-Adelante Zamboanga Party (LP-LDP-AZaP) coalition while Fabian, a Nacionalista Party (NP) stalwart and on his last term of office, ran under the Fuerza Zamboanga, a locally-organized political party he heads.

Lobregat’s brother Jomar  lost in the congressional race for the second district to independent bet Lillia Nuño. (MindaNews) 

GENERAL SANTOS CITY (MindaNews/19 May)– The Framework Agreement on the Bangsamoro (FAB) is the present holding the future of the Moros like the proverbial bird for the hand to crush or to set free. Principles for the drafting of a sound Bangsamoro Basic Law (BBL) have been agreed. Yet, the Transition Commission (TransCom) is at risk of contending with elements that can have the BBL born with disabilities or aborted. Foremost among these elements are time, money and its fate in the Congress and later in the hands of spoilers.

BTA: Key to Transition

Granted! The Transcom will be able to draft and the Congress to enact a sound BBL as provided in the basic considerations agreed in the FAB. That’s only half the work done. The other half – the more difficult and most critical – is the setting up of the transitional Bangsamoro government and preparing the Moro leaders for the successful take off. A sound BBL can make the transition work; but only with the proper time, financial support and orientation of leaders will it work to empower the Bangsamoro Transition Authority (BTA) to entrench the Bangsamoro.

As proposed in the MDA 2011 and seen in the agreements in the FAB and ATAM, the entrenchment of the Bangsamoro will go through two periods – first, the pre-transition period during which the Bangsamoro Basic Law will be drafted, enacted and ratified; second, the transition proper during which preparations will be made according to the BBL for the installation of the regular Bangsamoro government.

As already discussed, the Transcom, the Congress and the Bangsamoro electorate are the key players in the pre-transition period. The only key player in the transition proper is the BTA.

How will BTA accomplish this role? As agreed in ATAM:

First, its function:  The “core function” of BTA is to prepare “for the transition of the ministerial government in the Bangsamoro”, particularly, (1) to “exercise governance functions devolved to the Bangsamoro in accordance with the Basic Law” and (2) to “set up the institutions and mechanisms necessary to establish the Bangsamoro ministerial government [I.F]”. This is elaborated in [II.B.3] and will be spelled out in detail in the BBL, as [II.B.4] implicitly provides.

As elaborated in [II.B.3], “The BTA shall serve as the main mechanism for the MILF’s leadership in the Bangsamoro during the transition process. Once the Basic Law comes into force, and the BTA established, the devolved powers of the new political entity are vested in the government of the Bangsamoro.” This is the beginning of transition proper.

Second, its organization, membership:  “The Bangsamoro Basic Law shall provide for the organization and composition of the BTA. Its members shall be appointed by the President [II.B.1].” And, it “shall be MILF-led [II.B.2]”.

Third, its term: “The BTA shall continue to perform its function as interim Bangsamoro Government until the duly elected officials of the Bangsamoro shall have qualified into office in 2016 [II.B.5].”

Imperatives for BTA

The imperatives for the sound take off of the Bangsamoro are discernible from the second sentence of [III.B.3]: “Once the Basic Law comes into force, and the BTA established, the devolved powers of the new political entity are vested in the government of the Bangsamoro;” and the second sentence of [I.F]: “… set up the institutions and mechanisms necessary to establish the Bangsamoro ministerial government”. Evidently:

• Bangsamoro is the new political entity. Powers are devolved to it. “By whom” and “From whom?” By negotiated agreements between Government and MILF, from the Philippine government as enacted by the Congress.

• The devolved powers are vested in the Bangsamoro government only after the BBL has been ratified and the BTA has been established.

• These powers are provided in the BBL.

• The BTA is the Bangsamoro government in transition to which the devolved powers are first vested for it to set up for the regular government.

• The transition is from the presidential to the ministerial form of government.

As a new political entity, the Bangsamoro is founded on a charter or basic law – the Bangsamoro Basic Law. It is assumed that the BBL will (a) declare the objectives, principles and policies of the Bangsamoro government, (b) define the ministerial form of government and its asymmetric relation with the Central Government, (c) list the powers devolved to Bangsamoro, and (d) set the transition budget committed by Government. These will define the immediate task of the BTA and determine its ability to do this task.

Transition is not an OIC setup wherein officers-in-charge are appointed to run already well-established offices or government units vacated or declared vacant in emergency situations. The OICs are “fillers” serving uncompleted terms of office; unless new rules and instructions are issued governing their functions, they follow the established rules and modalities of the offices or government units concerned.

Transition is a necessary process for change. It is the phasing out of the old to be supplanted by the new; or, the development of the new from the tentative to the permanent. While both will involve new theories and experimental processes, the first may involve only the revision of old systems and norms while the second will mean the establishment of an entirely new order.

The transition of Bangsamoro from the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) is not a phasing out but the establishing of a new political entity. The BBL will repeal, not just amend, RA 9054; it will abolish the ARMM then create the Bangsamoro. The BTA is not in the mold of an OIC but an interim government created by law with specific mandate in the entrenchment of the Bangsamoro – agreed by Government and MILF which are assumed to be embodied in the BBL Transitory Provisions.

As an interim government, the BTA is ministerial in form having an interim legislature, an interim prime minister as the head of government, and interim ministers to head the different ministries. How the BTA will actually be initially organized and composed will be provided in the BBL and its members “appointed by the President” [ATAM II.B.1].

Primary Mandate

The first task of BTA is to “set up the institutions and mechanisms necessary to establish the Bangsamoro ministerial government” and with these govern Bangsamoro in transition [ATAM I.F]. What these institutions and mechanisms and their modalities are and how to set them up will be provided in the BBL – the only guide is the BTA.

FAB VII.9, “… The Bangsamoro Transition Authority may reorganize the bureaucracy into institutions of governance appropriate thereto (referring to the “ministerial form and cabinet system of government)”, hints what might be done.

This is the primary mandate of the BTA — to set up these institutions and mechanisms right and to govern well the Bangsamoro in transition according to the objectives, principles and policies and asymmetrical relation with the Central Government written in the BBL. This is an assurance that the Bangsamoro, when the regular government takes over, is well founded and best prepared to solve the Bangsamoro problem. The task is demanding and daunting. This transition is the one that will work.

Inherent Imperatives

Expected to compound the difficulty of the task are imperatives inherent in establishing an entirely new entity. In the case of Bangsamoro, these can be among the imperatives:

First, BBL will provide for the institutions with their mechanisms and modalities suitable to the ministerial government. For the BTA to set them up, make them operational and operate them in the interim will demand time, money and expertise.

Second, it is to be expected that the BTA members and key officials will need proper on-the-job orientation and training regarding their functions in running the ministerial government.  This will demand time, money and advisers – most probably foreign.

Third, the offices under the ministries may be restructured and their personnel have to be reoriented. These will demand time, money and expertise.

Fourth, subject to provisions in the BBL according to [ATAM II.B.4] the Bangsamoro local government constituent units, if not restructured, have to be reoriented to the ministerial form of government together with their officials. This will demand time, at least, and money and expertise, at the most.

Time: Definitive Element

Government as well as some sympathetic aid agencies will be able to provide the funds for the transition.  Foreign countries with parliamentary system and ministerial form of government will surely provide the expertise needed to assist the BTA, if requested. But they cannot provide time; they cannot restore lost time. Time will, as ever, run its course mindless of what men and nations do.

Time is the definitive element during the transition period of the Bangsamoro. How will it determine whether the transition will make the Bangsamoro the political entity MILF has envisioned? The longer the time and the better used, the better transition will work. The lesser the time and the more poorly used, the more the transition that will work will be imperiled.

As it has already been discussed, the failure of the Parties to sign the three remaining Annexes during their 37^th exploratory talks last month had already set back the time table of the TransCom by four months. Even if the negotiation on the Annexes can be finished this month, the Transcom can start drafting the BBL only in July; June will be for the consolidation of the Annexes and the FAB into the Comprehensive Agreement.

The delay will mean a six-month time lag in the FAB roadmap and just three years for the pre-transition and the transition proper. Granting that drafting, enacting and ratifying the BBL will be done – with due diligence under rigid deliberation, not under undue pressure in haste — in 18 months or one-and-a-half years, that will leave 18 months, not two years, for the transition proper.

What if the Transcom and the Congress will need more time to do their respective tasks? No time limit has been set for them to do these. Should such a need arise, the transition proper has to be sacrificed since the BTA cannot exist beyond June 2016 — after the election and qualification of the regular Bangsamoro officials [ATAM II.B.5]; or, more precisely, after “the election and assumption of the members of the Bangsamoro legislative assembly and the formation of the Bangsamoro government [FAB VII.10]”. 

Vital Questions

Will 18 months be enough for the BTA to do its primary mandate while coping with the imperatives for the transition that will work? Will it? What if the transition proper is shortened to one year or, worse, to less?

The lack of time due to time lost in the delay in agreeing on the Annexes and the possibility of more unforeseen delays during the pre-transition period will imperil the transition that will work.

In retrospect, the 7-year transition – one year pre-interim, six years interim – proposed in the MILF MDA 2011 was most ideal. When MILF Chairman Murad Ibrahim agreed to lower to three years the transition period (MindaNews, July 10, 2012), he and the MILF Central Committee must have decided that the transition that will work is manageable in three years. It is interesting to ask Murad, the Central Committee or the MILF Panel about the present realities and the possibility of a one-year or shorter transition proper.

Unless an unforeseen event or situation intervenes, the Bangsamoro will replace the ARMM by June 30, 2016. President Aquino on stepping down will point to it as one of his legacies. Will it solve the Bangsamoro problem? That will be a puzzle. For MILF the task to make it work will just begin. Bangsamoro has to succeed. Should it fail, Aquino, the succeeding presidents and Manila leaders will wash their hands: We gave you the rope to scale the wall barring your way; you used it to hang yourselves.

Will the Government and MILF Panels seal the Annexes during their 38^th Exploratory this month? That will stop the present time hemorrhage. Will more bleeding be avoided to prevent the sapping of life out of the transition? As the saying goes, “Time is of the essence.” The essentialness of time on the imperatives of the transition that will work should not be taken for granted.

(To Be Concluded: IV. Post Script)

(“Comment” is Mr. Patricio P. Diaz’ column for MindaViews, the opinion section of MindaNews. The Titus Brandsma Media Awards honored Mr. Diaz with a “Lifetime Achievement Award” for his “commitment to education and public information to Mindanawons as Journalist, Educator and Peace Advocate.” You can reach him at patpdiazgsc@yahoo.com.)

manguli atol sa fiesta
daghan regalo dala
lipay mga paryente’ng
wala’y kuwarta
sa balay mag-linya

reunion dinhi, reunion didto
sadya lagi kaayo

mga pagkaong paborito
ilog-ilogan kay wala man didto

ang kainit halos dili maantos
maligo kaduha, magdala og paypay pa
hala bira!

mag-enjoy gyud mala-mala
uban pamilya ug barkada
salamat balikbayan

kita-kits next time.

(Ang MindaViews ang seksyon sa opinion sa MindaNews. Si Ramon Jorge B. Sarabosing manunulat ug visual artist sa  dakbayan sa Butuan) 

Hers was a political fight maybe likened to the biblical battle between David and Goliath, where the “small unknown fighter” toppled down his giant enemy using a sling.

Bag-ao, concurrent caretaker representative of Dinagat Islands, won the congressional race against Gwendolyn Ecleo, the youngest daughter of Ruben Ecleo Sr., founder of the Philippine Benevolent Missionaries Association (PBMA), with a margin of 3,246 votes.

She got 25,615 votes against Ecleo’s 22,369.

Bag-ao’s total number of votes was actually higher than PBMA’s “default leader” and matriarch, Gov. Glenda “Mommy Glen” Ecleo, who garnered 23,385 votes. The Ecleos ran under the Nacionalista Party.

Ecleo defeated her daughter Geraldine “Jade” Ecleo in the gubernatorial race. She is on to her second term for Dinagat province that was created in 2006.

Geraldine teamed up with Bag-ao under the Liberal Party in going against her own family who has ruled Dinagat Islands for four decades.

“I think it is also good that Jade is an insider. She has the integrity to talk about her family because she is part of the family,” Bag-ao earlier said in response to a query that Geraldine is still an Ecleo and she, Geraldine, would be conflicting her position against political dynasties.

Bag-ao has become the anathema in rallies involving the PBMA, a group largely considered a cult. The “Orange Team” of the Ecleos during the campaign period maligned her as a “thief, whore and bag-ang (molar teeth).”

In her speeches witnessed by MindaNews five days before Monday’s election, Bag-ao said she knew about the personal attacks and character assassination “but I cannot be angry, I really am not angry because in the first place, there is no truth to it.”

Dubbed as the “Team Yellow,” Bag-ao said she leaves it to Geraldine to respond to the mudslinging hurled by the Ecleo camp against her (Bag-ao) during the campaign period.

At the height of their miting de avance, a supporter of the Ecleo camp, identified as Ric Cabral, took the stage and fiercely attacked Bag-ao’s character for about an hour.

But the attacks apparently did not deter voters to choose Bag-ao.

A head teacher from Libjo, where Bag-ao slightly edged Ecleo (3,630 and 3,596 votes, respectively), said that Bag-ao won because she “did something in so short a time” contrary to the decades-old rule of the Ecleos where basic services were reportedly poor or at worst dismal.

Libjo is considered a bailiwick of the Ecleos.

The teacher, who only identified herself as “Mel,” said she voted for Bag-ao “like most teachers she knew” because the activist-lawmaker gave a clear platform to address the nagging poverty in the province.

In an earlier interview, Bag-ao said that through the P137.4 million Priority Development Assistance Fund (PDAF) or pork barrel fund released last December, more than a month after she assumed as caretaker representative of Dinagat Islands in October 2012, P5 million was infused to the Caraga Regional Hospital in Surigao City for the immediate medical assistance of Dinagat residents.

Three thousand scholars were enrolled at the Surigao del Norte State University (SDNSU) and other schools while road and bridge constructions connecting the towns of San Jose and Loreto are ongoing, she said.

The PDAF was also used to purchase six 4×4 utility vehicles worth P1.5 million each, which include a Mitsubishi Montero, Toyota Hilux and Fortuner sports utility vehicles.

She used the PDAF to also purchase 77 units of multi-cab patrol vehicles costing P275,00 each, which were distributed to various barangays in the district.

The PDAF release was criticized as a “political patronage” since Bag-ao, an Akbayan partylist representative whose party mates are also holding key positions in national government, could use this to her advantage.

The Ecleos saw that as her biggest advantage against them.

San Jose town Mayor Alan II Ecleo said in an interview on Tuesday, after the proclamation of her mother Glenda and brother Benglen as governor and vice governor, respectively, that Bag-ao’s edge was her “wide network.”

“Well she is the incumbent (caretaker of the legislative district) and she has a wide network at her disposal,” Allan II said.

Benglen also earlier voiced similar criticisms through Facebook, that Bag-ao is using the “money of his brother,“ the dismissed lawmaker and PBMA Supreme Master Ruben Ecleo Jr., who was convicted for murder and graft charges, for her political interest.

‘Bloc vote’

Dinagat, which is synonymous to the Ecleos and the PBMA, is considered the biggest source for “bloc voting” in past electoral exercises in Surigao del Norte.

Before its separation from the mother province in 2006, politicians raring to win the elections covet the PBMA vote.

The bloc vote of the PBMA, estimated at 63,000, could easily sway the results in favor of whoever gets the blessing of the Ecleos.

But the recent elections, however, showed a different scenario, “swaying away” from the so-called “one voice, one leader” bloc voting of the PBMA.

Alleged vote buying on the part of the Ecleos took place in some towns that ironically are identified as Ecleo bailiwicks: San Jose, Dinagat, Cagdianao and Libjo.

In Libjo, Bag-ao posted a slim margin of 34 votes over Gwendolyn Ecleo, at 3,630 and 3,506, respectively.

Geraldine Ecleo, who ran and lost against her mother Glenda in the gubernatorial position, alleged that her mother’s camp spent millions of pesos to buy votes, ranging from P500 to P2,000 per voter.

“I worry because how will they get the money back,” she said.

Fr. Almario Ramada, Parish Pastoral Council for Responsible Voting (PPCRV) chair in Surigao del Norte, said on Tuesday they received reports of vote buying in Dinagat town allegedly by the Ecleo camp.

On the other hand, the Ecleo camp, through Benglen, accused Bag-ao’s camp of resorting to harassment and violence against PBMA members in the town of Loreto to ensure a wide margin.

Loreto is Bag-ao’s hometown. She won there and also in the municipalities of Libjon and Tubajon.

In the four other towns considered strongholds of the Ecleos, Bag-ao mustered enough votes to win the congressional race. (Vanessa Almeda/MindaNews)

Vincent Baguio, Cotelco spokesman, blamed the tripping off of the 69-kilovolt transmission line, located at their substation in Barangay Paco, for the first long brownout.

The power interruption affected Kidapawan City and the towns of Makilala, Magpet, Antipas, Arakan, President Roxas, Matalam, Kabacan, Tulunan, and M’lang.

Power supply was restored at around 1 a.m. Friday, Baguio said.

But North Cotabato again experienced brownouts from 530 a.m. to 4:30 p.m. Friday.

Baguio said they immediately dispatched their linemen to check out the problem.

“I admit it took us too long to determine what caused the brownout in our service areas. We had to check every electric pole,” he said.

“Hours later, we found out that some of the insulators of some of the electric poles had malfunctioned and we have to replace them with new ones,” Baguio added.

To supply power to North Cotabato, Baguio said they tapped from the 69-kV transmission line of the Tacurong City substation.

The distribution utility, however, failed to supply its entire service area due to low voltage.

“Because we experienced low voltage, we had to cut off power in some of our service areas. We believe what happened last Friday hurt our consumers and the business community, but we humbly ask sorry for the inconveniences it brought to them,” Baguio said.

Indeed the long unexpected brownouts had the business community and many consumers fuming mad.

Vicky Guboc, owner of Touch That Cares Beauty Studio, said they had no income for the day due to the brownout.

The parlor has no standby generator set, said Guboc.

Ritchie Joy Mamburao-Gapasin, owner of ChinaGap Events and Concepts, said the long brownouts are “slowly killing” businesses in the city.

“Despite the brownouts, our electric bills have soared,” she complained. (Malu Cadelina Manar/MindaNews)

In a radio interview Saturday, Piñol alleged that the 95 percent voters’ turnout from the two towns was “highly improbable.”

Based on Commission on Elections (Comelec) results, Mendoza garnered 53,870 votes in these towns, while Piñol only got 7,134.

The PBOC, however, dismissed the petition of Piñol.

“I already expected that the PBOC will dismiss my petition outright. That’s the reason why I am planning to submit the petition at the Comelec head office in Manila anytime today (Saturday),” he stressed.

Pikit and Carmen are considered Mendoza’s bailiwicks. Mendoza’s father, Roger Taliño, is mayor of Carmen.

In the 2010 gubernatorial race where Mendoza and Piñol were pitted against each other for the first time, Mendoza got 236,966 votes against Piñol’s 199,332

In Carmen town, Mendoza garnered 22,749 votes against Piñol’s 610 during Monday’s elections.

In Pikit, Mendoza got 31,121 votes while Pinol received 6,524 votes.

“The results in Pikit and Carmen, although overwhelming, were highly improbable. This is the result of my opponent’s use of rice and money, coupled with terrorism, just to win this election,” he said.

Mendoza earlier denied Pinol’s allegations, saying she won “fair and square.”

“That was the product of transparency in the government, better infrastructure projects for the people or good governance as a whole,” she said.

Mendoza got the endorsement of the “bloc voting” Iglesia Ni Cristo (INC) as well as the support of the Solidarity Vote Movement of the Catholic Laity in North Cotabato.

The INC reportedly has 20,000 members across the province.

Mendoza said “she would abide with whatever decision the Comelec will render on the protest of Piñol.”

The PBOC has yet to proclaim the winners in the provincial level due to the delay in the transmission of election results in some towns and technical problems with the precinct count optical scan machines. (Malu Cadelina Manar/MindaNews)

 III. What Will Work (Continued 1: Past and Present)

GENERAL SANTOS CITY (MindaNews/18 May)– Some shreds of the past show how Government and successive Presidents have handled the Moro Problem and Muslim demands. MILF has keenly seen them.

Looking Back

With reference to the 37-year Government-Moro Front peace negotiations, the MILF demand for a Moro autonomous government outside of the Philippine unitary system has been the Moro demand dating back to the GRP-MNLF Tripoli Agreement of 1976.  Yet, while heeding the 1976 TA, President Ferdinand E. Marcos (PD 1618), President Corazon C. Aquino (RA 6734) and President Fidel V. Ramos (RA 9054) established Muslim autonomous governments under the unitary system with Muslim cooperation.

It was agreed in the 1976 TA that:

(1) “The Muslims shall have their own administrative system.… [III.5].” This implied the rejection of the unitary system and the adoption of another system.

(2) “Foreign Policy shall be of the competence of the Central Government of the Philippines…. [III.1]”; (3) “The National Defense Affairs shall be the concern of the Central Authority… [III.2]”; (4) “The authorities of the autonomy … shall have their own economic and financial system …. [III.6].” These implied power- and wealth-sharing.

(5) “A Legislative Assembly and an Executive Council shall be formed in the area of Autonomy for the Muslims” [III.9], providing further that the Assembly, which will appoint the Council, shall be directly elected. This is a feature of the parliamentary system and ministerial form of government.

All the above were agreements in principle. As agreed [III.11], these together with other provisions [III. 3, 4, 7, 8 and 10] were discussed in detail by the Mixed GRP-MNLF Committee in Tripoli, Libya from February 5 to March 3, 1977. The issues were too contentious for the Mixed Committee to agree in details – breaking up without any final agreement. Subsequent meetings could not break the impasse’.

Three Presidents established Autonomy for the Muslims:

Taking “the necessary constitutional processes” provided in the TA [III.16], President Marcos set up two autonomies for the Muslims – Regional Autonomous Governments IX and XII. Each RAG had an elected Legislative Assembly which nominated the members of the Executive Council for appointment by the President. Under PD 1618, both RAGs were parts of the unitary system – their powers and funds under the control of Malacanang.

President Corazon C. Aquino had Regional Autonomous Governments for the Muslims and Cordilleras enshrined in the 1987 Constitution adopting essential ideas from some provisions of the 1976 Tripoli Agreement and PD 1618. The ARMM was created under Article X.15-21 of the 1987 Constitution. The autonomy under RA 6734 was broader than that under PD 1618; still, the ARMM was part of the unitary system and, like the RAGS, its powers and funds were under the control of Malacanang and the Congress.

President Ramos concluded the 1996 Final Peace Agreement (also known as Jakarta Accord) with MNLF – purportedly, the full implementation of the 1976 TA. The FPA was virtually the rehash of RA 6734 except for provisions by which MNLF leaders could claim the FPA as granting “genuine”, “meaningful”, etc. autonomy. After the FPA had been enacted into RA 9054 amending RA 6734, MNLF leaders rued that RA 9054 offered less autonomy than RA 6734, still tying the ARMM to the unitary system.

Oddly, Chairman Nur Misuari, who headed the MNLF peace panel, did not aggressively pursue the 1976 TA provisions meant to give the Muslims their own “administrative” and “economic and financial” systems under a parliamentary system of government. [NOTE: Compare III.A.21 to 62 of the 1996 FPA with III.5,6,9 of the 1976 TA and with parallel or similar provisions in RA 6734.] And he did not defend the few provisions in the FPA intended for these ends that the Congress deleted or revised while amending RA 6734.

Lured by “power” and “promises” of funds, Misuari accepted the ARMM governorship and the chairmanship of a “semblance” of a “transitional government” while awaiting the amendment of RA 6734 law to expand and reform the ARMM according to the FPA. In reality, Misuari and his leaders fell into a scheme keeping the ARMM as still the Muslim autonomy within the unitary system under the control of Malacanang and the Congress.

Seeing the Present

MILF saw the scheme. In its 11 years of negotiation with Government – from 1997 with Ramos culminating in the MOA-AD under President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo in 2008 – it adhered essentially, wittingly or unwittingly, to III.5,6,9 of the 1976 TA. Under Arroyo, before the MOA-AD and after its collapse, MILF rejected repeated Government offers of an enhanced ARMM as a political settlement.

Under Aquino III, MILF fended off the offer of a reformed ARMM through the “3 for 1 Proposal” as the political settlement; in the FAB, it negotiated Bangsamoro to have a ministerial form of government with asymmetric relation to the Central Government that, as a necessary consequence, will likely be outside the unitary system. How these features will turn out will soon be seen in the draft of the Bangsamoro Basic Law.

The Tripoli Agreement of 1976 and the 1996 Final Peace Agreement together with the varying Muslim autonomous governments established under them are the “shreds of the past”. They show how Government has accommodated Muslim demands within the status quo under the Constitution – 1972 and 1987; how Muslim leaders have been co-opted to cooperate only to bemoan seeing the Moros still chained to their status quo.

The FAB is the present holding the future of the Moros like the proverbial bird for the hand to crush or to set free. Principles for the drafting of a sound Bangsamoro Basic Law have been agreed. Yet, the Transcom is at risk of contending with elements that can have the BBL born with disabilities or aborted. Foremost among these elements are time, money and its fate in the Congress and later in the hands of spoilers.

(To Be Continued: Key to Transition)

(“Comment” is Mr. Patricio P. Diaz’ column for MindaViews, the opinion section of MindaNews. The Titus Brandsma Media Awards honored Mr. Diaz with a “Lifetime Achievement Award” for his “commitment to education and public information to Mindanawons as Journalist, Educator and Peace Advocate.” You can reach him at patpdiazgsc@yahoo.com.)